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tzipi livni

Netanyahu and Livni are similar on borders

Livni and NetanyahuThe PA blasted its Israeli colleagues for disclosing the details of the Amman talks. The leaks indicate that Netanyahu’s offer on borders was similar to the one Livni passed to the Palestinians at Annapolis.

Though the similarity between Bibi’s and Tzipi’s positions is abominable, in reality they should indeed be expected to offer similar borders, their only difference from Olmert’s position being the Temple Mount.

The question is, why were the Palestinians angry about the leak? They refused the deal in 2007, so it only makes sense for them to say that they refused it again this time. One possible explanation is that by leaking the info, Netanyahu pulled the chair out from under Livni, who is being groomed by the Americans and Palestinians alike into a dove for the next elections.

The EU scandal: government and opposition are both right

Major European countries lambasted the Netanyahu government’s approval of minor construction beyond the Green Line. Their response is so predictable that one wonders whether Bibi’s actions are not designed to upset both settlers and peaceniks.

Opposition leader Tzipi Livni also criticized the government, not for approving the construction per se, but for alienating Israel’s friends abroad. And she is right; Netanyahu makes life a bit more difficult for them.

The only question is, do we want to fulfill the commandment to settle the land, or do we want to violate the commandment to rely on God only (rather than our European friends)?

Everyone is lying

WikiLeaks published a 2007 cable which reveals that Tzipi Livni does not believe in peace with the Palestinians.

The peace process, we recall, was the central platform of her electoral campaign.

Tzipi Livni

Religious party exposes atheist hypocrisy

Yaakov LitzmanYaakov Litzman, an MK from the United Torah Judaism Party, has provided hard evidence of the long-rumored Livni concessions. Trying to form a government, Tzipi offered religious parties much more money than Olmert and Netanyahu, whom she lambasted on that very issue.

Exasperated by Livni’s criticism of government subsidies to yeshiva students, Litzman published a note he received from her negotiator offering subsidies of $300 per family.

Though government charity for able-bodied Jews is wrong, it pales in comparison with the state’s massive subsidies to Arabs.

Livni’s only program: repress haredim

For about a year, we have not heard from Tzipi. Indeed, what can she say when her program is indistinguishable from those of Abbas, Obama, Meretz—or Bibi?

She decided to get back into politics by joining Huldai’s call to trash the haredim. According to Livni, haredi parties must be expelled from the government.

Would the lady be brave enough to urge the expulsion of Muslim parties from the Knesset?

10 May 2010 Posted in left

For Britain, Livni is different

The British government reacted with unusual fervor after one of its courts issued an arrest warrant for Tzipi Livni. In Britain, individuals can bypass prosecution on war-crimes accusations.

British courts have issued arrest warrants against Israeli officials numerous times, but the UK government’s reaction has always been muted. This time, however, the warrant was not issued against a general or a right-winger, but Tony Blair’s leftist peace partner.

The British won’t change their law to close the loophole. At most, a state prosecutor would attend court hearings.

Britain was the only major European country to support the Swedish draft that proclaimed Jerusalem the Palestinian capital.

Lieberman defends Tzipi

If Avodah receives more than three ministerial portfolios, Yisrael Beitenu will ask for additions to its already mammoth list of portfolio acquisitions.

Lieberman is trying to bind Netanyahu’s hands in negotiations with Avodah because Livni wants Avodah to join her in the opposition so that together they can create a meaningful bloc. Lieberman is obligated to Livni for the massive support he received from Kadima during the elections, enabling him to woo his voters from Likud so that Livni could beat Netanyahu.

Livni: Whatever you do, I’ll change

Livni is ready to join Netanyahu’s coalition, but on funny terms: Bibi serves as prime minister for three years, and then Tzipi serves for the next nineteen months. That way, she would have ample time to erase everything Netanyahu does and abandon Judea to Arabs.

On the positive side, it took Ariel Sharon to expel the Jews from Sinai, and then from Gush Katif. Weaklings like Tzipi or Bibi won’t be able to overcome massive resistance to eviction.

Livni: Palestinian state is holy

In an RTVi interview, Livni vowed to stay in opposition in order to pursue her “holy principles.”

Earlier, Livni had identified the quick establishment of a Palestinian state as her major point of contention with Netanyahu. In other respects, their platforms are similar, including electoral reform and civil unions.

She also declared firm opposition to joining a government with religious parties. Sure, if the Palestinian state is holy…

Livni also called Russia “an ally,” especially on confronting Iran’s nuclear program. Poor Tzipi is evidently deranged after her electoral loss.

01 March 2009 Posted in left

Livni refused coalition with Netanyahu

During the Cabinet meeting, Tzipi shot a written note to Olmert, telling him to stop hinting that Kadima will join Likud’s government. The Kadima establishment evidently holds Livni in little regard.

The day Netanyahu used murder to become prime minister

by Barry Chamish

I asked you not to vote, but only a third of you agreed. So here is what is being connived for you wasting your time: The “nationalist” camp won sixty-five seats, while the “moderate” camp won fifty-five seats, including eleven Arab parties. The Jews swamped the “peace” camp. But that camp had one party that got the most votes, Kadima, and the nation’s president, Shimon “the Pieman” Peres, comes from Kadima. So, although the nationalist leader Binyamin Netanyahu could put together a government in a matter of days, the “moderate” leader Tzipi Livni will get the first shot at government-building by Peres. It’s going to take a pile of bribery and blackmail, but she’s going to cobble together a coalition including Yisrael Beitenu, Shas, Labor, and—get ready—if the fight becomes deadly enough, even their true ideological partner, the Likud.
Sounds bizarre; the loser becomes the winner? It’s nothing. I was in court, front and center, for the rigging of the 1996 Israeli elections by Netanyahu. Now follow closely—I rarely have the opportunity to be nostalgic.

On April 3, 1997, I was supposed to lecture at Hebrew University on Who Murdered Yitzhak Rabin; the lecture was organized by my still formidable friend, Brian Bunn. As it turned out, the Labor Party, led by Knesset member Eitan Cabel and the secret service, Shabak, organized a violent rally against me that turned me into front page news. The intent was to humiliate me, but the result was the start of my new career as a political crimes writer. Not that I’m thanking them; they didn’t mean to and it’s an insecure life, although there are rewards, like you reading this.

The morning after the riot, I received a phone call from Yaacov Mor. He introduced himself as, “The economist for the Minister of Welfare And Social Affairs, Eli Yishai.” Today Yishai is the leader of the Shas Party. Mor continued, “But I previously worked for the Shabak. What I want to know is what you have that made the Shabak try to bury you.”
So I invited Mor to my home to see my evidence. Back then I had some eighty documents. Not the 2500 I ended up with, but they were devastating in proving Yigal Amir did not shoot Rabin. I had the police ballistics results showing that Rabin was shot at point blank, something Amir could not physically have done, and I had the hospital reports declaring that Rabin was shot three times, and once from the front, neither of which Amir was responsible for.
Yaacov was a naturally sympathetic fellow, and without hesitation I handed him my evidence collection, which he read in silence over the next half hour. When he finished, he put his right index finger vertically over his lips and used his left hand to guide me outside. When we reached the street, he said, “I’m not talking in your house. You have to be thoroughly bugged. Do you know those documents are authentic?”
I said I did.
“Then why didn’t you get a job in Nepal or have an ‘accident?’ Do you know how high up this murder had to go?”
I answered that I did know how high up it had to go.
“I’ll tell my Minister what I saw and I’m sure he’ll contact you.”
The next morning Eli Yishai’s secretary called me. “Minister Yishai would like to have your documents, and in return, he will give you the most important story of the Rabin assassination. Do you agree?”
Indeed I did. In fact, I would have given him the documents anyway; that’s how much I still believed in the inherent honesty of the political system. That would change for good in the next two days.
Bright and chipper, Yaacov picked me up for the cheery ride to building Kirya 3, opposite the Knesset, and home to Eli Yishai’s office. I made a little error, giving my documents to the secretary before I closed the deal. She guided me into a small office, closed the door, and I heard a vigorous conversation in the hall outside. Finally, the Shas Spokesman, Yisrael Sudri, then twenty-four or so (and I believe he holds the same job today), came in, shut the door behind him, and sat down.
“The Minister could not attend the meeting,” he announced, “But he wants you to know that he backs every claim I will make.”
A bit of a comedown, but I accepted the arrangement— like I really had a choice.
“It’s about the 1996 elections…Netanyahu didn’t win. Peres won by 3 percent just like all the polls had it. But the Likud had documents, and we think you’ve collected some of them. We’re sure of it, actually. In February of ‘96, the leaders of the Likud met the leaders of Labor for a frank discussion of the elections. The Likud presented the documents, then someone, we think Netanyahu, held a few in his hand and said, ‘If you bring up the name of Yitzhak Rabin even once in your campaign, we’ll release these to the media.’ Netanyahu lifted another bundle of documents and said, ‘If Peres wins our tv debate, we’ll release these.’ Finally, he takes all the documents and says, ‘And if Peres wins the elections, we’ll release them all.’
“Now, I don’t have to remind you that Rabin’s name was not mentioned once in Labor’s campaign and that Peres looked like a scary monster on the tv debate. But how could the election results be faked? We are going to leave you the name and phone number of a Tel Aviv law school PhD candidate. His thesis is on the ‘96 elections. He’ll tell you.”
I arranged to meet the PhD lawyer-to-be at a very empty and remote Tel Aviv restaurant. We sat in the remotest table and he made his voice inaudible at a range of five meters. In fact he almost whispered the whole meeting. As it turned out, it didn’t help.
“This Labor-Likud partnership destroyed over 160,000 votes for Peres, and replaced them with spoiled ballots.”
Back to the present. That’s almost 5 percent of the vote spoiled. In the 2000 elections, there was a highly publicized campaign to deliberately spoil votes as a protest, and ‘only’ 61,000 were spoiled.
“Think back to the election night. Peres was declared the winner by all the polls but refused to address and thank his crowd in Tel Aviv. But at midnight, a smiling Netanyahu addressed a half-empty rally in Jerusalem promising them that by morning he would be Prime Minister. Then at 2 AM, the revolution in vote change appears out of nowhere. By morning, Netanyahu has won. He knew the results were fixed.”
I added an obvious thought. “So the Likud’s documents proved Peres murdered Rabin?”
He gazed at the table and answered, “Is there another possibility?”
The lawyer-to-be added, “I trust you. I have strong proof that the vote destruction was organized by Interior Minister Chaim Ramon. Contact me tomorrow and we’ll meet again to see my thesis.”
The next day, he called me. “I got a phone call. We can’t meet.” I asked, “Do you mean today?” He replied, “I mean ever.” He hung up for good and I don’t recall his name.
But I told his story to audiences whenever I felt it was appropriate. The usual reaction was, “So why didn’t Netanyahu use the documents to get rid of Peres and Labor for good?” The answer is Labor and Peres have enough information on Netanyahu to have made this a one-election deal. That’ll do until and if the whole story is ever told by someone who was there.
Then, in Bet Shemesh in 2001, I told the story to a crowd of over eighty, and one response hit the jackpot. The man said, “I was an election poll supervisor and when the polls closed, we took votes for Peres out of the boxes and burnt them out back. We replaced them with spoiled votes and resealed the boxes. I never understood who allowed this to happen, but I didn’t want Peres elected so I played ball.”
As for story back-up, my Bet Shemesh organizer was David Morris. Another eighty people heard the truth about this man’s polling station at the lecture. As for Sudri, I chose to expose him after he appeared at Peres’ eightieth birthday bash. I was protesting outside when he appeared. I told him, “How could you celebrate Peres? I know what you told me?” He walked by, then turned around and shouted, “You’re ruining the country.”

So when I suggest that voting props up a political system run by murderers and their aiders and abetters, remember that when Shimon Peres gives Tzipi Livni the nod to form a coalition including Eli Yishai’s Shas Party. But if Netanyahu is somehow given the first shot, recall that he still holds the big cards on Peres.

Tzipi, share with us

Speaking in the Druze village of Tamrah, Livni told the audience she knows how to combine the Jewish and democratic characters of Israel. We would love to know the answer; how the Arabs will all have equal rights, but the state will remain Jewish. There is, of course, no answer, and Livni just spouts election-time propaganda that her right-wing parents would be ashamed of. Arabs also know she’s lying.

Less polite Palestinians staged a small rally nearby, accusing Livni of shamelessly fishing for Arab votes. Good Jews can say the same thing.

2009 budget deficit projected at $8 billion

Tzipi LivniThe Finance Ministry’s figure is four times the previous estimate.

For the first time in years, Israel plans to borrow from foreign lenders with US guarantees. Economically, the move is absurd: in response to a dwindling budget, the country must decrease its expenses rather than continue borrowing. Israel’s international credit rating is high, and US guarantees won’t significantly decrease the loan interest.

Olmert’s government scares the population with a massive deficit in order to lock the next Cabinet into submission to the Obama Administration, which would ask for suicidal political concessions in return for unnecessary loan guarantees.

Israel hides her heroes from foreign prosecution

IDF won’t officially release the names and photos of high-level commanders in the Gaza operation lest they be sued in foreign courts for war crimes.

Tzipi Livni considered canceling her visit to Brussels amid fears of prosecution.

If the international courts are so efficient, why doesn’t the Israeli government sue Hamas there for shelling Jewish civilians?

Livni lied about ceasing election campaign

Livni met with Kadima activists and lashed out against Barak. She had promised earlier not to run an election campaign while at war in Gaza.
Not only does Tzipi lie, but she’s guilty of a conflict of interests, as the IDF operation in Gaza is shaped to bring Kadima new votes.
Everyone ignores the simple fact that an acting foreign minister, a bureaucrat on the government payroll, cannot run an election campaign in any case, and must suspend herself for its duration.

The Kadima-Avodah government wasted six days of the unique window of opportunity to invade Gaza. The supportive US Administration, Saudis and Egyptians, and other anti-Hamas governments cannot endure domestic protests forever. In a week or so they will start pushing Israel toward a ceasefire.

Fragmentation threatens the right’s victory

Polls indicate that Likud is sliding behind Kadima in February’s elections. Israeli polls are often rigged, used as a tool for convincing undecided voters to join the majority. Leftist media naturally prefer anti-Likud poll results.

But the trend seems to be real. Tzipi committed a few well-thought slips of the tongue, which brought her gains with right-of-center voters. She promised to topple Hamas in Gaza and suggested that Arabs must be moved out of Israel to a Palestinian state. Those slips don’t obligate her to anything but attract credulous voters.

At the same time, right-wingers are disaffected with Netanyahu. Not only the Wye River and Hebron capitulation are on the agenda; many blame him for economic liberalization. The squabble with Moshe Feiglin cost Netanyahu quite a few votes. Most of all, the voters have realized that his political attitudes are no different from Livni’s: the same peace process, more or less gradual.

Fragmentation has taken its toll upon the right-wing camp. While the left consolidates, right-wing parties run alone, and lose many votes in between them. The National Union has split again, decent right-wingers like Feiglin, Uri Ariel, Eldad, and Marzel cannot find a good place on the list for themselves even though each of them can bring plenty of votes.

After every electoral defeat, right-wingers promise to consolidate, but again that didn’t happen.
On other hand, Likud in the opposition is better than in the government. Victorious Likud would have conducted a policy as defeatist as Avodah’s, but in opposition it will criticize the peace process sharply.

Likud joins the name-calling fray against Livni

out of her league: anti-Livni postersAfter Kadima had ran anti-Netanyahu ads for some time, Likud responded with silly “Out of her league” anti-Livni billboards. Whether the tasteless ads would dissuade anyone from voting for Livni is highly questionable: Likud’s image-makers presume that the image of a tired Tzipi somehow works against her.

Livni calls to expel Israeli Arabs

Wow… Speaking to high school students in Tel Aviv, Tzipi Livni said that the future of Israeli Arabs lies in their own state, to which they must relocate when it is created. This sounds like the young Tzipi of twenty years ago.

In practice, the line is not official. Livni spoke her thoughts to the extremely anti-Arab schoolchildren of good left-wing Jewish families. Despite her thoughts, she toes the peace-process line.

Livni’s remarks could be a calculated attempt to steer right-wing voters to Kadima. Netanyahu has said nothing that pleasant, and even tries to oust Feiglin as “too radical.” With the left-wing audience slipping from Kadima to Meretz and Avodah, Tzipi has a good reason to look at Likud’s voters.

Livni also hinted correctly that the government cannot protect every soldier, that sometimes the price is too high, and Shalit would rather remain with Hamas.

Twenty Jewish families ordered into the streets

The Sodomite Supreme Court of Israel ordered Jewish families to leave the Peace House in Hebron, which the Jews had duly purchased. The court based its decision on the Arab seller’s naked claim that he didn’t sell the house—though the Jewish buyers presented a video record of the deal, deed of sale, and the seller’s audio testimony to the contrary.

The court’s decision does not obligate the government to evict the settlers, but removes the legal obstacle (the settlers’ petition) to eviction. Now it’s up to Olmert and Barak to set the eviction date. Given Barak’s political cowardice, the eviction might not materialize; but also consider his need to stem the Labor Party’s defection to Meretz. Barak needs to prove his left-wing credentials, and the eviction offers him a good chance to do so.

The Peace House is located on a crucial junction on the road from the Jewish Quarter in Hebron to Kiryat Arba—a life-saving position in case of an Arab pogrom.

The court disregarded a plea by 50 MKs to delay the eviction until the underlying case on ownership of the house is decided. The court’s casuistic decision provides for the house to be held by the government until then—but the case will be dragged on for years. The government holds hundreds of Jewish properties in Hebron in trust. Arabs looted them after the 1929 massacre of Jews; after taking the properties back in the 1967 war against Jordan, the Israeli government is stonewalling their disbursement to the rightful heirs.

Playing into the leftists’ hands, the court set the stage for an Amona-type fight over the house. Leftists will trumpet the right’s violence and gain more votes for Livni’s “centrist” platform. Netanyahu thus appears to be in an extremely uncomfortable position: if he supports the violent Hebronites, he loses some moderate votes, and if he abandons them, he loses the right-wingers. He will dance on a thin line, satisfying no one.

The best course of action would be to silently abandon the house, showing tearful faces and children made homeless. Hotheads, however, outnumber cynics, and we would see right-wing violence playing into Tzipi’s hands.

The house’s defenders stand no chance against police, who crushed them in all their previous encounters. No amount of propaganda in the police forces would change their attitude because the police employ many hardcore leftists and anti-Semitic Slavs. The defenders’ problem is their vacillation: they cannot decide whether policemen are fellow Jews or enemies to be shot at. Absent such recognition, any fighting is bound to be half-hearted—and worthless. It only allows both sides to blow off steam.

An IDF fight against Jews in Hebron will provoke Arabs into further attacks. It’s a pleasure for Arabs to side with a strong occupying force against Jews.

Human rights activists, so concerned with the occasional demolition of a Palestinian house built illegally on public land, cheer the decision to evict poor Jewish families. The courts and police don’t act on the hundreds of petitions filed by the Jewish owners of various land plots being squatted on by Arabs.

Livni not going to attack Iran

Tzipi Livni’s Foreign Ministry has designed a massive program to cope with Obama’s approach to Iran. Obama has repeatedly stated the need for direct dialogue with Iran. The absurdity of this repels no voters: what’s the point of direct negotiations when both countries already know each other’s demands? In Obama’s direct negotiations with Iran, the US will only reiterate its well-known position of would Iran please stop developing nuclear weapons. Iran’s answer is similarly known beforehand: no.

Obama’s approach shows the leftists’ quasi-religious belief that talking solves problems. Leftists since Plato have believed that every problem can be rationally discussed and settled. For Obama, the world is one big Harvard classroom where  matters are debated, and then the opponents walk out amicably.

Israel’s Foreign Ministry has created four groups, which will jump into action as soon as Obama is elected. They will press Iran on diplomatic, human rights, sanctions, and IAEA fronts which have already proven useless. Essentially, Livni is preparing to join Obama’s talking group. Barak is even more hesitant to attack Iran, as he was the only dissenter in the government decision to attack Syria a year ago.

Earlier, Olmert discussed attacking Iran after the US elections but before the inauguration of the next president. The preparations by Livni’s Foreign Ministry show that plan has been shelved. Israel will not bomb Iran’s nuclear facilities while the US-Iranian negotiations drag on. And drag they will—as with Vietnam, there will be endless squabbles over minor issues down to the shape of conference tables. The negotiations will provide Iran with the critical few months it needs to complete its bomb.

Iran has already enriched enough uranium for several micro-charges, or even a tactical bomb with advanced design, such as a Russian one. Israel’s procrastination allows it to build full-size strategic bombs. An Iranian nuclear bomb spells an end to Israel’s nuclear deterrence, and opens the way for Arabs to attack Israel with conventional means. At the very least, Arabs can bankrupt Israel with a conventional arms race, border insecurity, and repeated mobilizations. Without her nuclear deterrent, Israel can be pushed for concessions far beyond the Saudi “peace” plan. In fact, the US will push her to accept Arab demands so as to avoid the need for forceful American policy in defense of Israel.

After Livni’s government sits idle while Iran builds its nuclear weapons, Israel can still theoretically maintain her nuclear deterrence by promising to annihilate every thing Muslim with her 200 nuclear bombs if attacked. Realistically, no Israeli government would do so. Golda Meir’s hawkish government shrunk from employing nuclear weapons in 1973 even as the Egyptian army was poised to thrust toward Tel Aviv with the stated objective of killing every Jew they encountered. The already meager value of Israel’s nuclear deterrent will be gone if Livni and Barak’s cabal of traitors allows Iran nuclear weapons.

Ben Gurion created the state of Israel. It takes Livni to wind it down. But she is not alone: millions of complacent Israelis with Judenrat mentalities are guilty of not ousting her.