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Just days after Obama’s court Jews claimed fruitful negotiations with the Syrian dictator, Assad publicly connected Israeli-Syrian peace to Israeli-Palestinian peace. Leftist Israeli politicians had hoped to do things the other way around: to sign a peace treaty with Syria, somehow end its support for Hamas, and so reach peace with thus moderated Palestinians.

Israeli-Palestinian peace, at least a real one, is impossible while there is a state of belligerence with Syria, and while it continues to support Palestinian terrorists.

Assad’s policy is this: Israel cedes the Golan Heights without a peace treaty, then Syria undertakes to maybe cut its support for Hamas, which offers a way to Israeli-Palestinian peace (unlikely), and only then would Syria entertain Israeli peace overtures. In short, Syria wants the Golan Heights, but not peace.

Likud and Lieberman agreed to push the absentee voter bill, which would allow Israelis who have not set foot on this land for years to vote in Israeli elections. The presumption is that Israeli emigrants are biased toward the right.

The reasons for bias are several. Left-wingers have at least a strong patriotic attachment to Small Israel, while right-wingers are commonly rootless jingoists who emigrate because they have no reason to stay. Many emigrants choose to blame Arabs, rather than themselves, for their emigration. Living abroad, they can afford militancy.

Lieberman additionally hopes for the votes of 150,000-300,000 Russian immigrants who left Israel after acquiring her citizenship. In practice, they are unlikely to vote.

The Knesset has defeated several similar bills out of disdain for emigrants who don’t share Israel’s burdens.

A few days after a conference of European rabbis discussed assimilation, Paris again hosted a significant Jewish event: Hadassah sought donations for its charitable activities. The high-profile gala party and auction delivered significant contributions despite the economic crisis.

The charity, though, is not intended for Jews. Hadassah will use it to provide ultra-expensive HIV treatment in Ethiopia.

When scarce Jewish charity funds go to Africans, what indeed is the reason for Jews to separate themselves and refuse assimilation?

When Moshe Ohel’s stall in Rishon LeZion caught fire at night, its talking parrot began screaming his owner’s name.

Passers-by called a fire team, which saved the parrot with artificial respiration through an oxygen tube.

Confirming our estimtes, Hamas arrested ten members of PIJ rocket squads for firing at Israel.

Hamas needs a semblance of quiet in Gaza in order to legitimize itself with Western politicians and form a unity government with Fatah.

Within a week, arsonists unsuccessfully tried to burn down two synagogues in Neve Sha’anan district. While the police are silent about suspects, there is little doubt that they are to be found among neo-Nazi Slavs abundant there.

YNET reports that Fatah arrested several of its high-ranking officers for spying on their leaders’ movements. Hamas had paid the officers “tens of thousands” of dollars for the information, apparently preparing to assassinate their terrorist competitors.

In the politically correct Jewish state, Arabs oppose universal equality. Near Tzurif village, not far from Jerusalem, Arabs attacked an Israeli car—as usual, to hijack it. This time, the driver was an Israeli Arab, so the robbers let him go.

As Israel refuses the commonsense commandment to expel the Arabs, they become thorns in our sides, as the Torah has warned.

In East Jerusalem, Arabs riot against court-ordered demolitions of the houses they built illegally in an archeological park. Hillary Clinton supports their rights.

In Negev, an EU-funded commission is preparing another scathing report accusing Israel of driving Bedouins from “their” land. Never mind that nomadic Bedouins cannot have “their” land. In the meantime, Bedouins attacked an Israeli bus with stones on Highway 29 and the Israeli welfare ministry increased their subsidies.

Likud and Kadima politicians stepped up their mutual accusations. Each side rightly accuses the other of betraying electoral promises and national obligations.

The coalition’s narrowness makes the situation unpredictable. Lieberman, moving increasingly to the left in his Foreign Minister’s position, would lean toward Kadima and the peace camp. Criminal charges against Lieberman would also push him to compromise with the leftist establishment, which can guarantee his safety.
Lieberman can abandon the coalition at any time. So can the National Union, which would soon be dissatisfied over Netanyahu’s clenched-fist attitude toward “illegal” outposts.

Failure to act against Iran could also break Netanyahu’s government, unless he accepts the peace process and brings Kadima on board. He can also drag in a few MKs from Kadima with ministerial sinecures.

Livni, jealous of Netanyahu for stealing her victory, is theoretically two votes away from the prime ministership. Netanyahu is trying to block her by effectively repealing the impeachment provision. It is also unclear whether all Arab parties would support her, or whether she would fall so low as to enlist their support to overthrow Netanyahu.

The narrow coalition may become a reasonably effective right-wing government, or a totally dysfunctional one if UTJ continues quarreling with Lieberman, pushing him to embrace Livni. Netanyahu cannot afford to antagonize a single coalition MK, and it remains to be seen whether that will paralyze him or make a right-winger.

While the rest of the world debates the political correctness of racial profiling in airports, Israeli police know what a terrorist looks like—an Arab.

In the Pisgat Zeev district of Jerusalem policemen saw two Arabs, thought they looked suspicious, searched them on the spot, and found a military knife, which the Arabs meant to use to exact vengeance on the Jews celebrating today.

Lacking “blood on their hands” the Arabs will soon be released, heroes to their compatriots.

As we have stated repeatedly since the beginning of the Israeli Gaza war, it significantly increased Hamas’ popularity. And why not? IDF did not target Gazan civilians, Iran paid for the damaged houses, and the world’s attention is now focused on them.

According to the Palestinian Political Research Poll, Hamas’ Ismail Haniye increased his approval rating from 38 to 47 percent in Gaza and the West Bank. Still more popular is jailed Tanzim arch-terrorist Marwan Barghouti, whom Peres has promised to pardon. Barghouti offers Palestinian voters the best of all worlds: unrelenting anti-Israeli struggle ŕ la PIJ, no Fatah-style corruption (thanks to being jailed), and no religious extremism of Hamas’ type.

Palestinian public opinion is this: they want neither Israel, nor trouble. When Israel makes no trouble for them, they feel free to vote for Hamas. If Fatah fielded a reasonably honest candidate like Barghouti, it would beat Hamas in elections hands down. If Israel opened the border crossings and allowed $5.2 billion in aid into Gaza, Hamas would win the elections.

But elections are not the problem. Whether they are a ruling party or in opposition, Hamas commands hundreds of thousands of active supporters, enough to man their terrorist war against Israel.

As happens every Purim, IDF declared Dr. Baruch Goldstein’s grave “a closed military zone” so that residents of Kiryat Arba could not pay homage to the man who saved them fifteen years ago.

Closed military zones can only be created to protect Jewish life, but who cares about the law when Dr. Goldstein is an issue?

Meanwhile nearby, Arabs staged a pogrom in the Cave of the Patriarchs, and tore up sacred Jewish books.