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Arab riots in IsraelIn Jerusalem and the North, police chiefs met with Arab opinion-makers from school teachers to muftis, and promised personal retaliation if anti-IDF protests turned violent. Police promised to fire the Arab community leaders and blacklist them from any jobs and promotions. The Arabs protested that in the crumbling patriarchal society they—Israeli collaborators—really have next to no influence over the rioting youngsters. The Arabs lodged complaints of this police treatment with “human rights” organizations.

Close to three hundred Russian family members of Gazans have left the war zone through Israel, en route to Russia. Egypt banned them from entering its territory, but Israel aids them even though Russia promised aid to Mashaal and pushed Abbas for a unity government with Fatah.
The absurdly moral Jews are extending special treatment to citizens of the country that sells S-300 to Iran and S-125 to Syria.

More than 1,150 cars were set on fire in France on New Year night, a marked increase from the previous year’s toll.

Palestinians throw an IED at an armored bus with Jewish civilians; no casualties.

Qatar, Greece, Russia, many other countries airlift aid to Gaza. That contrasts markedly with the fact that no country had ever delivered humanitarian aid to Jews (America pays for regional influence rather than truly aids Israel).

ISM and Free Gaza activists accompany ambulances in Gaza to stem Israeli attacks. The gesture is empty, as Israel hasn’t so far blown up any ambulances.

Palestinians routinely use ambulances and medical supply trucks for terrorist operations in Israel and arms trafficking.

Abbas, HaniyeZiad Abu Ein, a top government official for Fatah, called upon Hamas to return weapons to 70,000 Fatah members in Gaza so that they can fight IDF. Marwan Barghouti, a jailed arch-terrorist being considered by Israel to succeed Abbas, condemned him for colluding with Israel. Barghouti runs a press office from his cell.

The Israeli operation in Gaza prompted a squall of domestic criticism against Abu Mazen for colluding with Zionist enemies to return to Gaza. Scores of Fatah officials and thousands of members—paid with US and Israeli money—voiced support of Hamas against Abbas. Hamas now enjoys across-the-border support from Palestinian factions and gains electoral popularity at Fatah’s expense.

Though an option existed to bring Fatah battalions into Gaza a week ago, by now Fatah militants would have joined their Hamas counterparts against Israel. After Hamas’ victory over the IDF (which rejected a massive invasion), the terrorist group would be so popular that Abbas wouldn’t have refused a unity government. Israeli ineptitude strengthens Hamas to the point that it is slated to take over the Palestinian government the way Hezbollah did in Lebanon.

Nizar Rayyan, Hamas’ major tactician and spiritual leader, was killed in an Israeli aerial assault along with much of his family. His loss is not a great blow to Hamas, as it really takes no genius to conduct a guerrilla war in Gaza; Hamas has many other able leaders. When Israel killed Rayyan’s predecessor, Ahmed Yassin, five years ago, Hamas retaliated against Jewish community centers abroad, killing and maiming hundreds.

The one person who especially hated Rayyan is Abu Mazen, as Rayyan led the Hamas takeover of Gaza a year ago.

Retaliation aside, the death of a prominent enemy is a welcome thing. However, there is a big but. Israeli media wrongly denigrate Rayyan. We can only wish Israel had many leaders like him. Rayyan was a serious Islamic scholar, popular with his students, and a respected legal authority; his home library included more than 5,000 volumes. At the same time, Rayyan was a daring military leader who both organized and personally led the revolt against corrupt Fatah thugs in Gaza. He was honest and courageous: Rayyan had personally sent his son as a suicide bomber. When hit by Israeli bombs, he was not in hiding but staying at his house.

Nizar Rayyan compares very well to the thugs who rule Israel.

Duly incited at Friday prayers, Muslims took off into the streets in every country of theirs, including Jordan and Egypt, which are at peace with Israel. Egypt recalled its diplomatic head from Tehran over a small anti-Mubarak demonstration there a few weeks ago, but the Israeli government remains cozy with Egypt despite massive anti-Israeli demonstrations there. Jordan banned a pro-Hamas rally but was unconcerned with anti-Israeli ones, except when the demonstrators attempted a run on the Israeli embassy.

Washington’s Iranian darling, a “moderate” ayatollah Rafsanjani, who spearheads the expansion of Shia Islam in Africa, called for Palestinian resistance and praised Hamas.

In Moscow, police forcibly ended anti-Semitic demonstrations near the Israeli embassy mainly because it was attended by scores of Azeris and other Muslims whom Russians hate.

In Israel, pro-Gaza demonstrations continued unabated in many cities. Arabs and Jewish ultra-leftists joined their dirty hands to condemn IDF. In the Jewish capital, Arab demonstrators attacked Israeli police.

The moronic High Court of Justice permitted ultra-left demonstrators in Tel Aviv to wave PLO flags at an anti-IDF rally. Police initially demanded the absence of Palestinian flags, pretending shamefully that they might cause confrontations with right-wingers—as if waving enemy flags during war is not a crime in itself.

The decision was too much even for leftists, and left-wing attorney Guy Ofir is organizing a counter-demonstration under Israeli flags. Police may eventually ban both rallies on the grounds of public security.

Technically, the court’s decision is perfectly correct: there are no legal grounds to ban PLO flags if Israel is fighting Hamas. But why did the Supreme Court take the case in first place? Instead as acting as the court of last resort, the Israeli Supreme Court routinely takes legally mundane but politically charged cases. The PLO flag case should have gone to a Tel Aviv court, perhaps winding up in the Supreme Court a couple of years after the demonstration. The judges’ willingness to expedite ultra-left cases stands in contrast to their feet-dragging in pro-Jewish cases. More than that, the judges went so far as to press the police to permit PLO flags without the court order or even a proper hearing, which they hadn’t enough time to stage.
The Supreme Court is anything but consistent: in Marzel’s Umm al Fahm march case, the court permitted only Israeli flags in an Israeli (Arab) town. In the PLO flag case, the same court permitted even the enemy flags to be waved by Israeli (Arab) citizens.

So far, Palestinian attempts to down Israeli helicopters with old SA-7 Strela rockets and heavy machine guns have proven unsuccessful.

Livni met with Kadima activists and lashed out against Barak. She had promised earlier not to run an election campaign while at war in Gaza.
Not only does Tzipi lie, but she’s guilty of a conflict of interests, as the IDF operation in Gaza is shaped to bring Kadima new votes.
Everyone ignores the simple fact that an acting foreign minister, a bureaucrat on the government payroll, cannot run an election campaign in any case, and must suspend herself for its duration.

The Kadima-Avodah government wasted six days of the unique window of opportunity to invade Gaza. The supportive US Administration, Saudis and Egyptians, and other anti-Hamas governments cannot endure domestic protests forever. In a week or so they will start pushing Israel toward a ceasefire.