Most Jews would love to have a country without Arabs, but have accepted the propaganda that such a transfer would be atrocious and not tolerated by the world. A quarter of the Arabs in what would become Israel fled between 1947 and the spring of 1948, before the war erupted. Another 300,000 Arabs emigrated from the West Bank between 1948-1967, and a similar number in the following decade. Arabs fled in great numbers during the Six-Day War, and the IDF, on Moshe Dayan’s order, stopped them. Since then, Israel has prevented the emigration of the West Bank Arabs: peaceniks do so to create a demographic situation which precludes Israel from annexing the territories, and hawks do it to keep Palestinian society boiling. Should a strong Israeli leader take a threatening posture toward the Arabs, they would abandon Israel, especially if offered compensation.

Whatever its origin, by now the “Palestinians” have persuaded themselves and just everyone else of their nationhood, and the option of transferring them to Jordan, feasible forty years ago, is no longer viable. Palestinians would form refugee camps there just as in Lebanon, dream of returning, etc. Rather, Israel should disperse them, and prevent the formation of refugee camps. The dispersal need not even be violent, but evolutionary, so that the Arabs would move out individually and assimilate, rather than in masses and stay in refugee camps.

Easy transfer of Arabs from Israel

To push the Palestinians to emigrate, Israel needs to do a few commonsensical things: disband the subversive (not necessary militant) groups and expel their leaders; close the semi-government institutions (“ministries”) and centers of incitement such as the universities (Jordan had a good sense to ban them while it ruled the West Bank); ban foreign aid; tightly control the foreign remittances Palestinian workers send from abroad; ban sales of gold, which is the major vehicle of investment for Arabs; close Israel to Palestinian migrant workers; impose punitive customs duties on imports from the West Bank; impose retaliatory curfews to disrupt local businesses; cut Palestinians off from Israeli welfare and infrastructure, including power grid and water pipelines; increase land taxes; keep demolishing illegally built houses and those flying Palestinian flags; and take weapons from Arabs to leave them vulnerable to local gangsters. On top of that, expand Jewish settlements to show the Arabs that there is no hope.

Drastic measures will do. Israel needs to kill foreign leaders more than civilians. A few Tomahawk missiles launched at an Ahmadinejad rally would take care of the Iranian nuclear program better than a large scale attack on its nuclear facilities; if Ahmadinejad is a problem, remove that problem. Similarly, the problem in Gaza stems from Hamas’ presence there; so blow up all the Hamas buildings, police stations, municipal offices, etc. Shoot the entire Palestinian parliament. Make a porn clip with Falasha Jewish males taking vengeance on the Hamas leadership.

Israeli policy is the exactly the opposite: Jews subsidize the Arabs, inducing them to stay in the West Bank with massive infrastructural projects, some welfare, and most of all, with access to Israel’s labor market. In the absence of economic opportunities, hundreds of thousands of Palestinians emigrated between 1956 and 1967, and similar closure of economic cooperation with Israel would devastate the West Bank demographically in a matter of years. The best aid the US could give to Israel would be to issue American visas to Palestinian professionals, draining the West Bank’s Arab society.
Palestinians revolted even though they enjoyed the highest non-oil income growth rate among Arabs. Like any developed society, Israel shrinks from direct involvement in violence, and prefers proxies. Israel tried to foster Palestinian collaborators: police, tax officials, municipalities, and even a political organization—Fatah. Such attempts fail invariably, as radicals easily frighten collaborators: during the Intifada, Palestinians policemen on the Israeli payroll left their well-paying jobs. Nevertheless, Israel aids the Fatah police, expecting them to fight the insurgents. The Israeli-Palestinian killing ratio is insufficiently lopsided: it looks so because commentators tend to count only Jewish casualties as Israeli losses; but they need to add a massive number of Israeli Palestinian collaborators killed by their own. Such calculation makes the Israeli-Palestinian casualty ratio about 1:2 only. Israel ignores state supporters of terrorism: she allowed Kuwait, an American client, to officially fund the Fatah until the 1991 war with Iraq. She does not retaliate against Syria for openly supporting Hamas and Hezbollah, and tolerated massive rocket attacks from Gaza. When Mexican robber barons attacked the US, America annexed a third of Mexico in retaliation.

Forty years ago, even leftists were to the right of the current right-wingers: Levi Eshkol, for example, corrected the Allon plan so that Israel would incorporate Gaza without Arabs. In another instance, the term “iron fist” as a policy against Palestinians was introduced not by Sharon or Begin, but Rabin. Perhaps the only difference between right and left is that the right’s violence was purposeful, while the left’s was hysterical and senseless, such as when Rabin repressed both Jewish settlers and the Palestinians who attacked them.