Major changes creep up imperceptibly. Milliseconds before a house breaks down, the eye cannot see the myriad micro-cracks running through it. Days before a revolution, the regime looks stronger than ever as the police brace for repressions. In rare circumstances, a charismatic figure stirs the population within a few months. A market bubble was booming the day before it burst.

The underlying force behind the dialectical transformation of opposites is clear. Strong supporters of the prevailing movement switch from fighting to celebration. Moderate go-alongers increasingly doubt the wisdom of going that far. The prospects are no longer that shiny: the ideals, so innovative years ago, are dull by now, and previously ignored questions blossom into big troubling issues. Opponents feel increasingly threatened and intensify their efforts to counter the trend. Most importantly, ideas wear out. All organisms, social ones included, have limited life spans; ideas are born and ideas die.

As a Chinese proverb has it, the top of success is the beginning of failure. The tipping point can never be predicted, but it arrives nonetheless. No societal processes run forever: rather, like a pendulum, they reverse at the highest point.

Israeli society appears to be on the verge of such transformation. For two decades, the majority of Jews accepted the ultra-left peace process scam while all the polls showed near-universal hatred of Arabs; Israeli Arabs reciprocated. Jewish masses gave Arabs every imaginable benefit of the doubt. Israel negotiated peace with Syria while Syria sponsored Hamas and Hezbollah, and with Palestinians while their terrorist attacks didn’t cease even for a week. Jews submitted to Gaza evacuation—only to see Katyusha rockets pounding Ashkelon. The incessant fighting between Palestinian factions leaves little hope that they will honor a peace treaty. In light of the continued misery of Gaza evacuees, the mainstream public doubts the practicality of resettling much larger numbers of West Bank settlers. A generation used to viewing the Golan Heights as core Israeli territory is highly suspicious of any concessions to Syria. Economic troubles during the crisis make people unwilling to take additional security risks.

The left have overextended themselves: with draft-dodging among the left approaching the haredi level, the failure of disengagement from Gaza, and society’s shift toward capitalism, political leftism has become unfashionable. The Left becomes the Ultra-Left as the Labor Party constituency embraces the communist Meretz.
The knitted-kipa right-wingers increasingly become the army’s backbone. From odd settlers they have become a familiar—and accepted—part of the Israeli social landscape. A lot of atheists embrace traditionalist values and take yeshiva courses.

There are many good Jews around, and their numbers seem to be increasing. The government tries to slam their voices shut with repressions, media distortions, and lies. Conservative politicians cannot voice their right-wing opinions, lest they be branded racists and legally excluded from the Knesset; so self-censorship reins in political speech, creating the impression of universal centrism. Not really: even the leftists push for a Palestinian state for a single reason—as an alternative to the West Bank Arabs claiming Israeli citizenship and outnumbering Jews. In any other country, that would be deemed a racist objective. The state-controlled media promulgates only leftist views, creating the erroneous impression of popular support for the capitulation; but you cannot fool everyone forever.