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Separate them out

Posted By Obadiah Shoher On October 4, 2011 @ 9:00 am In peace process | 2 Comments

“May Your enemies swiftly be cut down. May You uproot, crush, cast down and humble the kingdom of arrogance swiftly in our days.” – Amidah prayer

Inherently insecure, Israelis look for protection and partners. They embraced the monster Stalin, who planned to murder all Soviet Jews in 1953. After a brief flirtation with France, Israelis turned to the United States for protection despite numerous and clear indications of their protector’s treacherousness: a weapons embargo in 1948, a threat to fight on Egypt’s side in 1956, the prohibition of a preemptive strike in 1967, the ban on destroying Egyptian army in 1973, protests against bombing the Osiraq reactor in 1981, a push for democratic elections in Lebanon and Palestine, barring Israel from an attack on the Iranian nuclear facilities, ad infinitum.

Still more shamefully, Israelis seek support among Palestinian enemies. They look for Palestinian moderates, imagining a difference between Fayad and Haniye; both want this land in its entirety. Judea and Samaria are calmer than Gaza for a single reason: IDF operates in the West Bank freely rather than undercover as in Gaza.

To prop their delusions, Jews ask the Palestinians to show their goodwill by disarming the terrorists. The Palestinians don’t fight their terrorists nor have any reason to do so; Jews, too, fought their Irgun terrorists half-heartedly at most. Palestinians cannot wind down terrorists organizations. One reason is that their central power is too weak, but another is that Israel would stop negotiations once the Palestinians had calmed down; Israel only gives in to the terrorists’ force.

Barak and Olmert offered Arafat and Abbas almost everything; nothing came out of that. The West Bank Palestinians hate Israel, but even more they hate their own refugees, who would stream back. They hate occupation, but a visa regime would devastate their economy, which parasites on Israel. After so many years of war, seemingly on the winning side, they see any compromises as too painful. That’s besides the basic impossibility of drawing the drunkard’s-path border between the interspersed Jewish and Arab villages.

Economic development won’t change Palestinians for the better. On one hand, Jews started their state dirt poor, so poverty is no impediment to statehood; on other hand Israeli Arab youth is used to relative affluence, has digested Israeli benefits, and being economically secure can afford to hate Israel, their benefactor. If anything, the economic development of Palestine will militarize the Arabs: before affluence trickles down to the commoners it is concentrated at the state level. Historically, this is the most dangerous phase: the state has the economic means to wage a war, and the poor population has not yet grown averse to it.

No Cyprus solution is possible here: both the Turkish and Greek Cypriots lived there for centuries, none are newcomers—or worse, refugees—whom the other views as having taken the land from them. The separation which so far had worked out in Cyprus (and will fail eventually) cannot work for Jews and Palestinians.

Any true separation must involve expelling all Arabs from Israel into a state of their own.


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