Holocaust education among gentiles is counterproductive. The majority of them would not volunteer to murder Jews or press for such murder. But if pushed by an anti-Semitic regime, almost all of them would join the murder despite any Holocaust education they were given. The education has no bearing on the minority of hardcore Jew-haters. In fact, Holocaust pictures and accounts arguably strengthen anti-Semitic sentiment because Jews are presented as animals, and similarly slaughtered. William Perl mentions the US Army’s first reaction to Holocaust stories: they were suppressed to avoid stirring up anti-Semitism.

Holocaust education is detrimental tactically because the Holocaust sets a benchmark for Jewish suffering. Anything short of annihilation is not perceived as too hard on Jews. The Holocaust-educated world, therefore, pushes Israel to unprecedented concessions to her enemies: not being annihilated for now is deemed good enough for the Jews.

The world’s reaction to the expected annihilation of Israel in 1948, 1967, or by nuclear Iran show how futile Holocaust education is: just as in 1942, the world watches the doomed Jews with mild curiosity.
Israeli Jews who deride Holocaust victims for going as lambs to slaughter should better look at themselves: they live in Judenrat, led by Kastners of our time. As Iran prepares to make a nuclear bomb, Jews sit in coffee shops instead of marching on their government to demand the bombing of the enemy. The Kastners, as before, are sorry to see their Jews dying, but are not about to spoil their relations with the murderers’ Western accomplices by staging a demarche in the UN, picketing the White House, or launching full-page anti-Iran ads in American newspapers.

Israel now is as doomed as any Polish ghetto. Perhaps Iran won’t nuke us (though it may). What was the American reaction to the Holocaust? Massive economic aid to Germany. Western countries won’t even stop buying Iran’s oil after it nukes the Jews out of existence.

Critically, Iranian nukes would spell the end of Israeli nuclear deterrence. Nothing whatsoever then stops Syria from launching thousands of missiles at Israeli towns: Iran immediately would enter the game and threaten Israel with nuclear reprisals should we bomb Syrian cities. To play it nice, Iran will demand that Israel limit her retaliatory operations to Syrian troops while they are killing our civilians. When Iran provides nuclear defense to the Syrian home front, Israel will no longer be able to employ strategic defense. The defense will be tactical, limited to Israel’s borders. Iran will accept that we fight the invading Syrian tanks rather than the population. Israeli defense will shrink to an indefensibly small area.

Iranian nukes would also launch the nuclear arms race. Egypt and Saudi Arabia cannot let Iran dominate the Middle East. It will be easy for them to obtain nukes: Saudi Arabia probably is already storing some Pakistani warheads, and a peace treaty protects Egypt from Israeli preemption. So far, Mubarak prefers American aid to a domestic nuclear program, but an Islamic government would definitely choose the opposite scenario; especially considering that after Egypt went nuclear, America would likely increase aid in order to control that country. After those two countries join the nuclear club, Syria cannot refrain. Iraq has to counterbalance nuclear Iran. Jordan needs protection against nuclear Syria. Oman cannot stand nuclear Egypt. Libya, Morocco, and Algiers run advanced nuclear programs. In a few years, the entire Middle East will be armed with nuclear weapons, and some of them will certainly find their way to terrorists.

Jews can counter even such a scenario by enacting a law which provides for immediate annihilation of everything Muslim with Israel’s two hundred nuclear bombs in response to an unconventional attack from any source. That’s unrealistic. After a nuclear mushroom rose over Tel Aviv, the Israeli government would scratch its collective head, unable to attribute the terrorist attack to any particular country. Even if the state sponsor were known, the Jews who hesitate now to dismantle terrorists’ houses are unlikely to employ nukes. Israel’s mad policy of submitting to the insignificant Palestinian enemy has shattered her nuclear credibility.

There is not a chance that the Livni-Barak government would strike Iran. Barak was the lone voice against the Israeli strike on Syria. He has long since become a corrupt politician and shady businessman, rather than the commando he once was. Livni, indecisive as always, cannot push the strike over Barak’s objections. Herself, she wouldn’t dare go against the American order to submit to annihilation. The Kastners’ fears are not rational: Iran is far weaker than was Egypt in 1967 and 1973. Militarily, attacking Iran is a slam dunk affair for Israel. Rather, the Kastners look to the Americans and Europeans for their opinion. But their opinion has been well known for decades, if not centuries: they closed their borders to Jewish refugees who fled the Holocaust, refused to ransom Jews from Germans for a few mere trucks, and the death camp was the only place in the Auschwitz area not bombed by the Allied forces.

There was a slight chance that Olmert might order an attack on Iran. Israelis, right, left, and the middle, did a great job of replacing him with incompetent Tzipi.

It will take two centuries for the radiation in the Holy Land to come down to normal.

Kastner, Holocaust in Israel