The right-wing doctrine is simple: 1. A Jewish state is a state of Jews, and 2. The safety of Jews takes priority over the lives of Arabs and the opinions of other Gentiles.
There is no moderate right, no more than a woman can be “half-pregnant.” It is either-or. These are moral imperatives, and thus absolutes. There is no room for compromise on these basic principles. We can discuss the degree of mandatory religious observance, or specifically how many Arabs should be killed in retaliatory strikes to achieve a sufficient deterrent effect, or whether a small number of Arabs is to be allowed in Israel with no voting rights, but the guidelines themselves are non-negotiable.
The policies are clearly deducible: transfer the Arabs out of Israel, make Israel a moderately religious country with no homosexuals or Peace Now members, and retaliate with full force upon any infringement of Israeli security.
Leftists attempt to distract the public by defining a fictional problem. There is no problem of Palestinian refugees. The Arabs don’t demand their return, but ask for a “just solution,” which means help with resettling them, compensations, anything. The Arabs cannot formally abandon Palestinian refugees, and need a face-saving compromise. The only alternative to such a compromise is total war against the Arabs; otherwise, even if Abbas signs peace with Israel, the issue of the refugees will keep boiling. Israel refuses the refugees not because of their number, but because they are criminals, having lived for four generations in ghetto-like camps on welfare with no productive skills. The Israeli government will proudly report that it has solved the issue of the refugees with compensation or some other measure, and the population will happily forget that the brothers of those refugees are living in Israel. Palestinian refugees in Lebanon number 394,000. They are a non-issue compared to the 1.4 million Arabs in Israel. The Israeli establishment inflates the problem of Palestinian refugees so that the Jews ignore the real problem of Arab voters in the Jewish state, who constitute 34 percent among the young.
The government defends the separation barrier, which marks Israel as a walled ghetto. But the wall is a non-issue: all Western governments agree that a border must be protected. The issue of the wall obfuscates the real problem: what’s going on beyond the wall, what to do with the brewing militancy of Arabs who want their land back? The wall didn’t stop the Kassam rockets, and the Road Map envisages a Palestinian state nine miles from Tel Aviv.
Oligarchs are supposed to be on the right wing, but in Israel they are all leftists. They want security for their investments, regardless of the cost to Jewish ideals. “Land for peace” is a very acceptable platform both for the oligarchs and the politicians whose campaigns they fund. Other countries fight for their land, but Israel is expected to win the wars, take the land… and give it back to her unrelenting enemies. The political establishment obfuscates the thing by talking about the return of “the West Bank.” No, it plans to give away Judea and Samaria. It already handed the Arabs Hebron, which was King David’s capital.
What does it mean to speak of a “Jewish democratic state”? 34% Arabs and 14% Slavs—is that a Jewish state? Here goes the Newspeak. Leftists redefine the words. Their Jewish state is a walled ghetto protected by UN peacekeepers in Lebanon and worthless peace treaties, a state where the police beat religious Jews and destroy Jewish villages, where the Arabs don’t pay taxes, build without permits and restrictions, and are virtually immune from prosecution.
Their solution to the demographic problem is to redraw the borders to leave the Israeli Arabs in Palestine. That won’t work. There were 200,000 Arabs in 1949, and there are 1.4 million now. Leave any number of them here and they will breed and bring Jordanian spouses. Arabs don’t need to become a majority; a large and coherent group, they disproportionately influence the fragmented Knesset. Rabin was elected on Arab votes, and so was Barak in the recent primaries. On the positive side, Arabs increasingly vote for Arab parties rather than Avodah, and Jewish politicians may eventually become less dependent on Arab votes.
Most Palestinians are perfectly agreeable to whatever boundaries the Jews allocate them. They want to live their lives. The conflict is with a few militants. Before Shimon Peres brought Arafat from Tunis, the West Bank was quiet. The problem is not the West Bank Arabs, but Arab citizens of Israel. They will vote the Jewish state out of existence.
Many leftists agree there that yes, they want the Arabs out of Israel, but that’s impossible given the Western attitude. Only a small minority of ultra-left crackpots—not even all the Shalom Achshav members—want Arabs in the Jewish state; they are clinical cases of self-hating Jews. Anything that is bad for Jews is good for them.
A “restricted democracy” won’t work. It is an Israeli apartheid. Arabs won’t put up with apartheid, especially when Jewish schools teach them the noble values of liberty, unrestricted democracy, and nationalism.
It’s not that all Arabs are terrorists. Few engage in guerrilla warfare. The West Bankers hate Fatah much more than they hate Israel. National issues, however, are decided by the most determined group, not the majority. The Maccabees were a minority, and so were the Zionists; most Jews laughed at the idea of moving to Palestine. The Al Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigade and similar paramilitary groups are determined to fight the Zionist state; the opinion of the silent majority of Palestinians doesn’t matter. If clashes ensue, many common Palestinians will join the fight. If the Jews are weak, still more Palestinians will join the pogrom mobs. Not all of them, and not even a majority, but enough that Israel cannot live in peace with them. The silent majority of Palestinians want the Jewish state—an occupying state in the land of their ancestors—to cease, but don’t want to suffer to that end. Recall how common Gazans condemned Hamas for firing Kassam rockets on Israel from the settled areas. Their problem is not with attacking Israel per se, but rather with doing that from urban centers where the Palestinians suffer Israeli retaliation. A peace-loving nation has to crack down on its militants; as long as it doesn’t, the entire nation is a fair game.
Ze’ev Zhabotinsky laid the framework for the “eye for an eye” approach to Arab terrorism. He advanced the concept of countering the Arab defense (Zionists love to call it aggression) with an iron fist. Avraham Stern founded the LEHI group, which killed Arabs at random and blew up their markets in retaliation for attacks against Jews; the strategy proved highly effective at curbing Arab violence. The Israeli establishment labels LEHI ” the Stern gang,” but Stern is an official hero of Israel, with streets named after him. Israel honors Shlomo ben Yosef, who was executed by the British for shooting at an Arab bus in retaliation for Arab attacks on Jews. Irgun and even Haganah-Palmach later joined the retaliatory raids, notably in Dir Yassin, and cleansed scores of Arab villages during the 1948 war. That’s not nice, but “an eye for an eye” retaliation is the optimal strategy for curtailing a threat. The Arab threat.