Jews are mindful and respect world opinion. The world has tried to exterminate them for two millennia, and so Jews think there must be a good reason. And so they are sorry: for being strong, simply for being. They fear world opinion and ask themselves, Will the world tolerate our injustices to the Palestinians and Lebanese? Doesn’t the world expect us to behave morally? Indeed, it does: even before the gas chambers, the Jews had to behave, for if they showed temper, like the Hebrews who fell on the Canaanites under Joshua . . . Well, obviously the world would not like such Jews. As if it liked the ones it has.
Does the world care about two hundred Lebanese casualties? Did it care about the millions killed in the French wars in Algeria and Indochina? Are the news services concerned about the number of Iraqi victims of the American invasion? Did not Israel get a hint from the obsessive coverage of the death of the Lebanese Canadian family in the air strike? The world cares not a bit about the locals, only a bit about their own nationals. The world is populated by reasonable people. They know wars are cruel, that sweat builds states , but so does blood. They died and killed to establish their states. And they have no problem with Israel doing the same.
After the 1967 Israeli victory, no one objected to her acquiring land. No one expectedd her to return it. No nation ever returned land significant for its national conscience and acquired by repelling aggression. America rebuffed Sadat’s peace offers. The objections arose only when Israeli ability to hold the land became doubtful after 1973.
The world condemns Jews because they act guilty. They call the land “occupied” instead of “annexed.” They offer to return land. They deal humanely with the inhabitants. That is the cognitive framework of a very, very guilty people. And so the world sees that Jews are wrong. And powerful. And weak. A perfect mix for condemnation. No one enjoys condemning a fly; many enjoy condemning a softhearted elephant.
The terrorist problem can be solved. We have an example. The Germans cornered the 300,000-strong Russian guerilla movement with reserve police battalions. Shall I recall the measures they used? The Germans did not fight the guerillas head-on but annihilated their popular support. The ability to dissolve among the population and thrive on small donations and requisitions without logistics is the backbone of guerilla strength. The Germans crushed that backbone by shooting hostages and burning villages suspected of supporting the guerillas. Israelis might not like that approach, but let us not say there is no way to fight Hezbollah. There is a way, proven, accepted, and not opprobrious. That we shrink from taking those measures is a matter of romanticizing, of blatant disregard for the nature of war, of the clear, wise instructions given to Joshua.
Eradicating popular support for the Hezbollah is one thing. Removing its reason for existence is another. Israel must stop oppressing the Palestinians. Making Arabs live in a Jewish state is oppression—a state whose anthem is The Hope, whose Law of Return applies to Jews, not to the 1948 Palestinian refugees, whose General Staff does not include Arabs. We must stop oppressing the Palestinians. Let them go.
There is a core Palestinian state in Jordan, a state with a Palestinian majority and a doomed monarchy, a state that will comfortably accommodate the oppressed Arabs from core Jewish territories the lemmings call “occupied.” (Somehow the United States is not commonly called a territory occupied by the Christian settlers from the poor Red Indians.) To deal with terrorism, address its cause. Make them leave.