According to the Law of Return, every Jew has a right to live in Israel, with or without its citizenship, for any period of time. Israel won’t change the law of return to punish the settlers at least because the policy is not to touch it. Any revision of the law cannot avoid addressing the return of the Arabs demanded by the extreme left.

Israeli banking system will continue to serve Judeans as it serves other foreigners. Israel is unlikely to impose sanctions on Judea, and even then Judea could rely on foreign and Internet banks. Eventually, Judea will have its own bank offices. Deregulated economy will draw investment and financial infrastructure.

Local workers, such as teachers will have to rely on local incomes. Parents will pay for schools, and foreign donors will help. The settlers will negotiate tax repatriation agreement, such as the one enjoyed by Palestinians. But ultimately the Jews of Judea will have to become self-sufficient, if they want a state of their own. They won’t be poorer than Israelis thirty years ago. Ancient Judea was poorer than Israel. Judea can position herself as a tax haven for Israelis, sort of San Marino.

Introduction of avodah ivrit (Made by Jews) label will go a long way toward creating Judean economy. The polite Israelis cannot ask their grocers whether the produce is grown by Jews or Arabs, but will support Judean produce once it is clearly marked. Leftists, too, might support a campaign which aims at making Jews a nation of workers. Besides, leftists hate Arabs no less than the right-wing Jews do.

Palestine so far lacks a law that restricts land sales. The earlier Jordanian law banned land sales to Israelis rather than the Jews. After peace treaty with Israel, Jordan barred all non-Arab citizens from controlling the land in the kingdom. Palestine will adopt a similar approach. Here comes the Convention Relating to the Status of Stateless Persons. It is a so integral part of the international law that Palestine won’t be able to breach the convention, whether Palestine signs it or not. Article 13 – stateless people enjoy same legal status as aliens generally; stateless Jews will have property rights in Palestine on par with non-Palestinian Arabs. Article 26 provides for the freedom of movement within the host state; Jews can settle anywhere, including their current places of residence. To evict stateless refugees is impossible. Palestine depends on the EU and US for aid, and won’t grossly violate a basic human rights convention. For the same reason, Palestine won’t cut water, electricity, and road access to the settlements. Besieged Jewish villagers would look too good on the TV screens in America. Israeli public opinion will switch to supporting Jewish villagers if Arabs try to evict them. Israelis accept the IDF, but not the Arabs evicting Jewish settlers.

Living in stateless status under Palestinian jurisdiction is a temporary solution. The settlers shrink from fighting Israeli police, and need time to gather the will to fight the Palestinians. Jews also need time to accumulate weapons. That task is impossible to carry out on a meaningful scale while Shabak reigns in the settlements. Ultimately, Jews stay in the settlements because fighting Palestine to establish Judea is easier than carving Judea out of Israel. Thus, yes, we must be prepared to fight: a weak Palestine rather than strong Israel, as stateless Jews defending themselves against Arab attacks rather than Israeli occupiers. Stateless Jewish existence under Arab control won’t last long: though many settlers would gladly accept dhimmitude in return for continuing living in their houses and religious autonomy, nationalist Palestinians have outlived the Islamic sanction of dhimmitude. Two or three years divide mass abandoning of Israeli citizenship from the creation of the State of Judea.

Jews need to reject the existing Council of Settlements, the government’s quisling. Instead, settlers should elect the council by direct vote. The act of voting will accord the new council a parliament-like status. The council’s executive office will evolve into the government of Judea. Settlers should also elect a chief rabbi who will act as president of Judea. Kahane once said, “Plan for elections is a guarantee of a Palestinian state.” So is the plan for election in the settlements a guarantee of Judea.