Israeli rulers are racists. They agree to the Palestinian state because they don’t want Arabs from the territories to inundate Israel, dismantling its Jewish identity. The inevitability of the Arab demographic threat to Jewish state, however, is a scapegoat.

For one, Israel is not a state of Jews even now. Arabs already constitute 34% among her youngsters, and there are 19% of Slavs with ephemeral connection to Judaism. Other non-Jews constitute 6% of Israeli population. Additionally, there are huge swarms of Arab residents of Israel who won’t move voluntarily to the pauperized Palestinian state when it is created, and Israel lacks the political will to revoke their residence permits and expel them. Even after a Palestinian state is created, Jews would hardly constitute a third of the young Israeli population. Arab international family reunions would drive the percentage of Jews still lower. This cannot be emphasized enough: Jews are already a minority in Israel.

Israel is not a Jewish state. If, incredibly, the government would come up with some scheme of creating a Jewish majority in Israel: say, by purging birth records of Israeli Slavs, Israel would remain an un-Jewish state. A state which doesn’t honor Sabbath or other basic tenets of Jewish religion, which abandons the Temple Mount to Muslims, cannot be meaningfully called Jewish.

The Allies at Potsdam Conference explicitly sanctioned “orderly population transfers” of ethnic Germans from Poland and Czechoslovakia after WWII for a total of about 12 million. The Treaty of Lausanne provided for Greeks and Turks expelling each other’s minorities a little earlier. The world did not care when Arab countries pushed out their Jews. The world accepted the Jews running out the Palestinians in 1948, and generally supports the Jews in refusing them back in. The world is sensible, and would tolerate expulsion of Arabs from Judea and Israel. The one thing the world hate, are calls for compassion, especially from TV screens. So whatever Israel does about the Arabs has to be done swiftly and irreversibly; no refugee camps.

The Arab problem is not really so big. Israeli government prevents the West Bank Arabs from emigrating. Instead, teach them useful employment, and they would move out. Young Palestinians, educated as doctors or engineers, will move to other Arab countries in search of a better pay. A simple measure of distributing free condoms would considerably reduce the Arab birth rate. Boycotting Arab labor in Israel would push able males to emigrate, and their families will later join them. At least, crack on the illegal labor market; forced to pay Israeli taxes, economically inefficient Arabs would emigrate. Reining in the theft-based Palestinian economy would cripple the Arab industries dependent on stealing electrical power, building materials, and other goods from Israel.

The number of Arabs in Judea, Samaria, and Gaza is grossly overstated. Mortality is officially almost non-existent in Palestinian communities: Arabs receive the UN and EU subsidies for their long-dead relatives. For the same reason, the reported infant mortality in refugee camps and Palestinian towns is unusually low, much lower than in the similar places in the Third World. There are many documented cases of fake births, when Palestinian women borrow babies from each other to register more children and receive more subsidies. Many Arabs are counted twice: as Israeli Arab residents and inhabitants of the West Bank, sometimes thrice when a part of their family lives in Gaza. Arabs who moved from one West Bank town to another are often counted in both places. Illegal emigration from the West Bank and Gaza to Arab countries is not accounted for. Realistic estimates put the Arab population of Judea, Samaria, and Gaza at 1.5 to 2.5 million. Close to 60% in Judea and Samaria is virtually empty, settled by mere 1% of the total Arab population. Basic enforcement of Israel’s laws on Arabs, such as making them pay taxes, serve in the army, and razing their massive illegal construction would make Israel unattractive to Arabs. Property buyouts at fair value would also induce some Arabs to leave Israel for cheaper neighboring countries. After Israel pushes some Palestinians out by economic policies, induces others to emigrate through compensations, the number left to be expelled won’t be huge.

Israel will be in existential danger regardless of the policies concerning her Arabs and the Palestinian state. A Jewish state among the sea of Muslims can never be safe, especially considering the Islamic prohibition of non-Muslim statehood in the Middle East. In any major conflict, Palestinians will be a fifth column because they are normal people and would like to have back the land they consider theirs. There is no reason for Jews to refrain from expelling the Palestinian Arabs.

How many Arabs are there in Israel? The latest publicly available brochure on ethnic distribution from Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics is for the year 2003. It shows 15.6% of Arabs are aged 0-4, and 9.1% of Jews are in the same age group.
In 2007, Jews were 5,470,000, and Arabs - 1,449,000. Accordingly, the number of Jews younger than five years is 5,470,000*9.1%=498,000; Arabs are 1,449,000*15.6%=226,000. In 18 years, therefore, Arab voters would be 226,000/498,000=45% the number of Jews.

There are also 4.4% of other peoples in Israel, or approximately 7,241,000*4.4%*9.1%=29,000 younger than five. That makes the Jews approximately 498,000/(498,000+226,000+29,000)=66% of Israel's young population. Jews already lost the supermajority status required for many legislative acts.

In truth, the ratio of Jews is much, much less. More than 300,000 Israelis registered as Jews are not Jews according to the traditional Jewish requirements. Unknown number of Israelis, estimated at 120,000 - 200,000 have only a Jewish grandmother which hardly makes them Jewish for practical purposes. Close to 900,000 Israelis live abroad, many of them counted as Jews in Israeli census as they keep visiting Israel once in a while. Therefore, the real number of Jews in Israel is 5,470,000-300,000-120,000-900,000=4,150,000. That makes the number of Jews younger than five 4,150,000*9.1%=378,000. Arabs of the same age constitute 226,000/378,000=60% of the number of Jews. Jews, realistically, constitute 378,000/(378,000+226,000+29,000)=60% among the Israel's young.

The trend toward emigration of young, productive Jews exacerbates the demographic problem. The number of Jews includes many questionable ones, such as non-halachic Jews by paternal lineage and 120,000 Black Christians and fake converts.

The Arabs form 226,000/(378,000+226,000+29,000)=36% of the Israelis. Arabs can count on other non-Jews, the 4.4%, in many policies. Arabs are also supported by ultra-left Jews who take 5-8% of the Knesset seats. In some situations, anti-Zionist ultra-Orthodox Jews would join them; that's another 200,000 voters, or 3%. At the very least, those Jews generally abstain from voting, deducting the 3% from Jewish electoral base. That already GUARANTEES Arabs the Knesset majority in 18 years.

Moreover, Arab political spectrum is united in its most important aspect, opposition to Israel's Jewishness. That situation won't change: naturally, Arabs prefer a Muslim or ethnic-blind state to a Jewish one. On the background of highly fragmented Jewish political parties, Arabs will reach decisive power in the Knesset long before they and their allies form the majority.

The bulk of young Jewish population is concentrated in Orthodox and ultra-Orthodox sectors; the birth rate of secular Jews hardly breaks even. Birth rate among moderately Orthodox Jews, usually identified as religious Zionists, rapidly declines as they integrate into secular culture. Ultra-Orthodox Jews maintain their high birth rate due to the isolation from secular developments, but for the same reason they remain underproductive (often unemployed), unwarlike (often shrinking from IDF conscription), and contempt of the existing Jewish state. In some important respects, therefore, young Jews are becoming as inimical to Israel as Arabs.

The concentration of new Jewish births among ultra-Orthodox makes the birth rate vulnerable to welfare policies. After the child allowances for large families were reduced, and, say, a 10-child family found itself receiving merely $700 of subsidies per month instead of the pre-2001 level of $1,600, ultra-Orthodox families appeared in dire poverty. In effect, the government cut the subsidies retroactively, as the cut affected the children who were given birth with the previous level of subsidies in mind. The unruly ultra-Orthodox community frightens the government with its religious zeal, and the government works to decimate the community. In response to diminished subsidies, ultra-Orthodox birth rate dropped sharply. Though the official statistics remains secret – itself a proof of the government's malign intent – published pieces of evidence, such as the drop from 8.9 to 7.7 children in Beitar Illit, suggest a fertility reduction of 10-13%. The previous subsidies were not high: $160 per child per month for ten-child family translated into the government's expenses of $31,000 before the child reaches 17 years. That price is a bargain compared to state's expenses for secular education. The reduction of child allowances disproportionally hurt the high-yield ultra-Orthodox community, and significantly diminishes Jewish birth rate.

Israel's Arabs were 150,000 in 1948. In sixty years, they bred to tenfold increase.

The last time Jews constituted only 60% of Israeli population was in 1947. We have fought and expelled the Arabs.

Many Jews, myself included, have positive experience with Arabs and even Arab friends. That seems to imply that Arabs are generally good and peaceful relations with them can be established. But recall that anti-Semites dispel criticism with “I have a Jewish friend” mantra. On the micro-level, an Arab taxi driver or bread seller is decent, hardworking person. He wants to earn money and is nice to Jewish customers. His immediate inclination is to serve Jews, not kill them. Complex systems do not equal the sum of their parts and nations behave differently from individuals. Ideology cements nations, and they are concerned with ideology more than well-being. Palestinian Arab community does not want to sell more pita bread to Jews, but realize Palestinian aspirations by destroying a Zionist state. Zhabotinsky accepted Arabs in Jewish state, presuming they would follow individual interest. Since then, Palestinian Arabs developed national backbone, and Israel failed to destroy it from village bosses up. Israel lost an ephemeral chance of coexisting with individual Arabs, and has to fight an Arab nation.

Leftists made racism an R-word, but should it be such? A girl who wants a specifically Jewish husband – is she a racist in any meaningful sense? How about a girl who doesn’t want to marry an Arab, however nice and educated he is? But no mainstream newspaper would accept an announcement, “Looking for a husband. Arabs need not apply.” Similarly, if one is entitled to give charity to Jewish causes, why cannot he refuse charity to Arab causes? If one can legitimately dislike Arabs and avoid inviting Arab neighbors to his house, what precludes a restaurant owner from refusing Arab in? If racial (or ethnic, or religious) consciousness is acceptable in private sector, what makes it unacceptable state policy? Governments are supposed to represent sum of private interests.

There's a fringe case of monopoly. If racism is allowed to private sector only, some restaurants would exclude the Arabs, while other welcome them. An Arab in Israel would always be able to find a restaurant. A government-level ban on Arabs in restaurants would be unacceptably absolute, precluding even those restaurant owners who want Arab customers from welcoming them, and unreasonably excluding the Arabs from significant sphere of lifestyle activity. Such policy would be wrong in normal societies, but in Israel it has a sense of retaliation and correcting other wrongs: in practice, Jews cannot enter Arab neighborhoods or buy land in Arab-controlled territories. There is nothing wrong in the retaliatory exclusion of Arabs from Jewish society. Banishing Arabs from Israel won't result in an unusual hardship for them, although will end the stream of benefits paid at the Jews' expense. Israeli Arabs only have to be moved thirty miles – less than the distance traversed by Americans evicted from their houses through eminent domain doctrine.

Many accuse me of racism and remind that Jews are not better than others. That’s only true from outsiders’ perspective. For Jews, too, French are no different from the British in terms of rights and we would condemn either one infringing on another. Nations, however, often pursue their interests at the cost of harming others. US had to bomb Afghans to destroy Taliban, and Spaniards establish their sovereignty over the land at Basques’ expense. Russians pursue imperial policies but tell us that Jews and Arabs should co-exist on equal terms. That’s an aberration, observer’s error. People divide the world into “us” and “them.” For Jews, it is us and Arabs; for Gentiles, it is them and “Jews and Arabs” where Jews and Arabs are similar. Come, step in our shoes. Imagine your ancestors persecuted throughout the history. Imagine your parents fighting the Arabs for independence. Imagine Arab rockets showering you in Sderot. Then, in your newly distorted vision, Arab rights won’t equal Jewish rights.

Greece has Jewish and Muslim citizens, but is a staunchly Christian country, with Christian holidays, the cross as a national symbol, and institutional preference given to Christianity. America proudly declares, "In God we trust," not fearing to offend polytheists. France refused official status to the language of its large and compactly settled Breton minority.

Preference should be distinguished from discrimination. State-level religious advances are a matter of preference. There are many preferences around. Government tenders prefer the lowest price to the highest quality; such criterion arbitrarily benefits some producers at the expense of others. State-owned European cathedrals host Christian services, never Jewish ones. Governments build roads though the same funds could benefit the poor or ill persons. Public entities, like any other, have to make choices, and choosing means arbitrarily preferring one thing to another. Judaism in Israel, and Christianity in Greece, are the preferred religions.

Discrimination is not merely an absence of preference, but purposeful harm done to a narrowly defined group. A ban on Islam in Israel would be discrimination (not an unreasonable discrimination, given the Torah’s dictates). Similarly, a ban on the Palestinian symbols and songs would discriminate against Arabs, but the absence of Palestinian symbols on the Israeli flag, and not mentioning Arabs in the Israeli national anthem, is a consequence of a preference for Jews.

If Arabs don’t like that, they are free to leave and enjoy every detail of Muslim symbolism, including the ban on Jews, in Saudi Arabia or Jordan.

Israel’s government long abandoned the concept of Jewishness and consciously molds Israeli nation. The Newspeak is readily available: State of Israel instead of the Land of Israel and the West Bank instead of Judea and Samaria. Israel-born secular youth identifies less with Jewish people and more with Israeli nation; polls show opposition to government spending for strengthening ties with the Diaspora. The nation is heading to the rift between Israelis and the Diaspora Jews; they become more and more different.

Since 1950s, non-Jews averaged about a third of the Eastern European aliyah. By the most conservative estimates, 300,000 non-Jews immigrated to Israel before 1986. Then the Soviet Union opened floodgates and filled Israel with Slavs. Evicting the Jews to Palestine was a conscious Russian policy from Vitte to Stalin, and the KGB state additionally realized its imperial ambitions by resettling Slavs into Israel. Russia similarly colonized Kazakhstan, Baltic republics, and other acquired territories. Russian government extended every kind of help to the Jewish Agency with the eye to exporting Slavs into the Middle East.

The tremendous influx of Slavs was made possible by absurd rabbinic interpretation of Jewishness. Even allowing that a Jew is a child of Jewish mother, there is a major question the rabbis ignore: who is a Jewish mother? Is she, in her turn, merely a child of another Jewish mother - or a person who actually identifies with Jews? The rabbis opted for a former option and, theoretically, someone could be a Jew if his maternal great-great-great-grandma was Jewish even though none of his other relatives identified with the Jewish people. Israeli government merely accepted the rabbinical criterion in the infamous amendment to the Law of Return which stipulated the right of “return” for great-grandchildren of Jews. The government wanted more subjects; the army needed more recruits; Jewish Agency got money and prestige based upon the numbers of immigrants; political hypocrites imagined to solve the Arab problem by bringing non-Arab immigrants, even if Slavs.

In 1980s, 50-90% of Jews in various regions of the USSR were married to non-Jews. Hardly two-thirds of the immigrants in early 1990s had two Jewish parents. But the reality was worse: the proper Jews were mostly mid-age and older, while the Slavs were mostly young spouses of Jews. The old Jews proceeded to die out, and the young Slavs bred semi-Jews and non-Jews in Israel.
By the mid-1990s, children of two Jewish parents constituted hardly a third of the immigrants. Jewish Agency, tasked by the government with importing specifically young people, left no tombstone unturned and discovered imagined Jewish roots of scores of youngsters duly dispatched to Israel in shiploads. By the end of 1990s, the young aliyah was hardly 3-5% Jewish.

There is a single sensible definition of Jew: a child of both Jewish parents. Now, the parents could be Jewish by birth, conversion, or the way of life. A considerable number of Slavs married to Israeli Jews have to all practical purposes joined the People of Israel, and their children are fully Jewish whether the rabbis recognize them or not. A great majority of Slavs, however, has no intention of assimilating into the Jewish nation. From watching Russian TV to frequenting Russia to distancing themselves from Israeli affairs to outright anti-Semitism and Slavs’ haunting Jewish pupils in Israeli schools, most Slavs remain Slavs. Surprise, surprise. Gentile spouses of Jews from civilized countries move to Israel in small numbers and generally for ideological reasons. Slavs swarm Israel to escape from the pervasive Russian poverty and hopelessness, even if that requires living among Jews. Fortunately, wage level in Russia is now similar to Israel’s, and purchasing power is much higher in Russia; Slavs, accordingly, started to trickle out of Israel.

The official estimate of 200,000 Slavs in Israel is laughable. Include those semi-Jews with Jewish grandparent they never knew and children of self-hating Jewish father and Slavic mother - the number is closer to a million. Worse, the number is consistently growing as intermarriage sips through the Israeli society. Like Druses, Slavs are used to submission and profess loyalty to strong Jews, but are bound to switch their loyalty to Arabs as Jews continue with weak policies. Russia, Belarus, and Ukraine are traditionally anti-Semitic and pro-Arab. They sell weapons to anti-Israeli regimes. It is unrealistic to expect the Slavs to part with national habits, prejudices, and ideological brainwashing and embrace the Jews.

One good thing about Tzipi Livni is that she voted for Michael Kleiner’s amendment which would have annulled the grandparents clause in the Law of Return. Russian parties joined the leftist bunch against the amendment. The leftists, at least, acted out of principled anti-Zionism (anti-Semitism, actually) while the Russian parties hang corruptly onto their Slavic electorate.

Israel cannot practically expel a million Slavs, at least for logistical reasons. Unlike Arabs, they enjoy the last-resort protection of Russia – very limited, but still likely. Short of the outright eviction, Israel can mount pressure on Slavs to move out. The Baltic states and Central Asian republics similarly pushed the Slavic colonizers out – softly, but persistently. Israeli government, however, lacks nationalist zeal of Estonians and is unlikely to oppress the Slavs into assimilating or leaving. Activist citizens should fight Slavic anti-Semitism by measures ranging from insisting on police investigations of hate speech to burning Slav-owner bookshops that sell neo-Nazi books. Zero tolerance to intermarriage with Slavs in Israel is a must, and open contempt of Slavs is a noble personal attitude.

Jewish nation experienced massive influxes of pagans, notably Edomites, before. Eventually, we assimilated them, though perhaps not for good. Compulsory military service does a great job of assimilating Slavs. In the meanwhile, Jews have the best chance of preserving our national character by moving away from Israeli towns dominated by Slavs.

There is a saying mistakenly attributed to Churchill: “If you're not Liberal when you're 25, you have no heart. If you're not Conservative when you're 35, you have no brain." Israel's traditional Left – not the Peace Now defeatist bunch, but tough kibbutzniks ready to fight and kill for their country – was never liberal in the current sense of embracing one’s enemies. When the pioneers’ children became academics and started asking themselves the questions beginning "Why not?" – the traditional Left started drifting to defeatism. "Why not live with Arabs in the Jewish state?" "Why not give Egypt Sinai?" "Why not allow a Palestinian state in Judea?" "Why not partition Jerusalem?" There is no answer to these question; they are a matter of axioms. Do parallel lines cross in infinity? Does the Land of Israel belong to the Jews?

Socialists – like the Israeli pioneers – were never pacifist. Socialist regimes proved more militant and murderous than their conservative opponents. The Israeli MAPAI left-wing party drove 600,000 Arabs out of Israel and staunchly refused to let them back in. International friendship is alien to the socialist system of values: the USSR was at odds with every capitalist-leaning country, and Israel’s leftist governments crushed the Palestinians without reservations.

If the Israeli Left is so right, why is it nevertheless left? The defining trait of leftism is rationalism: castles in the air can be designed and therefore can be built. Educated European Jews detested the backward religious crowd. The Left’s attitude wasn’t about religion: still in the early 1980s, there was little traffic on Saturdays and nearly no pork consumption in Israel. A well-known feature of the opening hours of Yom Kippur War was empty streets – the society dominated by the Left still adhered to major Jewish rules. Secular Jews sense the religious’ absence of political goals – from a rejection of Zionism to a lukewarm attitude towards the Third Temple – and plain backwardness. People who insist on dressing in centuries-old fashion and observe myriad superstitious rites are hardly a beacon for the nation. Secular Jews, accordingly, proceeded to design and build an ideal society where wolves lay with sheep and Jews dine with Arabs. One thing more pleasant than peace is designing a peaceful society.

The left Jews are perfectly nationalist. “Our state” is a meaningful concept for them. Their utopian state is Jewish although including pet-like Arabs. Jewish left-wingers give Arabs democratic rights so long as Arabs are too few to influence elections. Here lies the problem. In the mid-1980s, Arabs became sufficiently many to influence Israeli elections. The left-wingers subsequently had three choices: to admit themselves as hypocrites who did not really mean to give Arabs democratic rights in a Jewish state, to counter the increase of Arab population, or to put their principles where their mouth is and accept a democratic rather than a Jewish state. The leftists embraced the last two options. They brought half a million Slavs untainted by Jewish blood and a still larger number of Jews untainted by Zionist idea; that relieved the Arab voting pressure temporarily until Barak won the Labor primaries in 2007 on Arab votes. Many left Jews abandoned the concept of a Jewish state and accepted a Middle Eastern democracy where the Arabs influence politics and legislation.

The shift wasn’t painful. If the Jews have no religious goal of governing the Land of Israel, it makes sense to divide jurisdiction with Arabs. If the Jews evaluate their claim to the Land of Israel skeptically, then the Arab claim to the same territory should be entertained. It is only reasonable to split a thing you don’t want desperately with another contender. If you don’t want it desperately enough to kill the contender…

The leftists evaluate the situation: okay, we would love to have a large Jewish state but the land is already settled. Okay, we would love to live in specifically this land, but the landmarks of the biblical saga are not of paramount importance for us. Okay, we would love to live in a state without Arabs but they are already here. The left Jews draw superficially reasonable conclusions: split the contested land, abandon the hot places of antiquated religious importance, and accept Arabs in Israel. None of that works. Jews accept splitting the land, but many Arabs don’t; they want their Palestinian homeland (or Muslim land) back in its entirety. They will fight Israel no matter the concessions. Whatever concessions Israel offers them won’t be enough; Arabs will reciprocate Israeli forced goodwill with force, not goodwill. The more land Israel gives away, the more she emboldens the Arabs. The smaller is Israel’s land plot, the more effort Arabs will invest in that last push to free their land. The good-willing leftists ignore an odd fact: goodwill doesn’t lead to peace. Ask the suffering Lao people.

Nor could the secular Jews give Arabs all the holy places. After giving the Muslims Hebron and the Temple Mount, Israelis discovered what was clear all along: the list of holy places is flexible. Arabs defend every illegally constructed mosque (hundreds in Israel, including huge ones such as in Lod) similarly to Haram ash-Sharif. Every point of confrontation with Jews, however trivial, turns into a religious dispute. Secular careless Jews give way; principled Arabs don’t.

Arabs make good co-workers and mostly decent employees. The Jewish state offered them income opportunities that Arafat threatened to destroy. But what happens when Arab armies push into Israel and the income waves farewell? The Arabs don’t love the Jews, possess no loyalty to a Jewish state, and once the incentives for loyalty are gone, they will stub the Jews. To live with a people having such attitudes is uncomfortable, but left-wingers comfort themselves with the opinion that Arabs are loyal to a strong Israel. Forget for a moment that scores of Israeli Arabs abet Palestinian terrorists and the crowds in the Arab villages in Galilee cheered Hezbollah’s rockets flying at Haifa. Arabs understand the Jews want their loyalty and are ready to pay for it. Arabs keep raising the price tag for their loyalty. They demand the Jews turn a blind eye to illegal construction, criminal syndicates, non-payment for water and electricity, and a black market economy. Through affirmative action, especially in the courts, Israeli Arabs evolved from pets into the masters of Jews.

The leftist Jews want a state without Arabs, but - lacking religious justification or strong nationalism - resent making the Arabs suffer. The leftists hope that Arabs will somehow leave Israel voluntarily. Leftists, however, shied away from Rehavam Ze’evi, who argued for the most voluntary transfer: paying the Arabs to leave. The Left would love the Arabs to leave, but talking about the transfer is racist, right-wing, indecent. The Jews became blind, ethnic-blind. In their enlightened fantasies, leftist Jews imagine a state formed without violence done to the aborigines, a Jewish state which doesn’t displace the Arabs, a state where indigenous Arabs accept Jewish refugees as the dominant group.

Arabs constitute 34% of the Israeli population in the youngest age group. Israeli advocates ingeniously explain how a democratic ethnic-blind state can call itself Jewish, but Arabs don’t buy such explanations. They demand abrogation of formal attributes of inequality: Jewish state, “Jewish soul” in the national anthem, and Jewish star on the national flag. They demand ministerial portfolios including, eventually, a place in the security cabinet which discusses fighting their Arab brethren.

Lincoln remarked, “You can fool all the people some of the time, and some of the people all the time, but you cannot fool all the people all the time.” Smart leftist Jews cannot fool all the Arabs all the time. The Jewish state is not ethnic-blind. The Jew-only General Staff is not the product of a democracy. A fairy tale of a Jewish state with herds of happy and submissive Arabs won’t work out. Meanwhile, the Jews believed their own lies about happy co-existence in a bi-national state, and tolerate the Arabs.

The Arabs loved Greek culture and knew about democracy. When, however, they wanted a Muslim state, they made Jews dhimmi rather than democratic partners. Rambam noted that what is triune cannot be one; when Jews are distinct and Arabs are distinct, there is no Israeli nation.

A Jewish state cannot afford Arab residents.

The right wing doctrine is simple: 1. Jewish state is a state of Jews, and 2. Safety of Jews takes priority over lives of Arabs and opinions of other Gentiles.
There is no moderate right, no more than "half-pregnant." It is either-or. These are moral imperatives, thus absolutes. There is no room for compromise on these basic principles. We can discuss a mandatory degree of religious observance, specifically how many Arabs should be killed in retaliatory strikes to achieve a sufficient deterrent effect, or whether a small number of Arabs is allowed in Israel with no voting rights, but the guidelines themselves are non-negotiable.
The policies are clearly deducible: transfer the Arabs out of Israel, make Israel a moderately religious country with no homosexuals or Peace Now members, and retaliate with full force upon any infringement of Israeli security.

Leftists attempt to distract the public by defining fictional problem. There is no problem of Palestinian refugees. Arabs don’t demand their return, but ask for a “just solution” – help with resettling them, compensations, anything. Arabs cannot formally abandon those refugees, and need a face-saving compromise. The only alternative to such compromise is total war against Arabs; otherwise, even if Abbas signs peace with Israel, the issue of refugees will keep boiling. Israel refuse the refugees not because of their number, but because they are criminals, living for four generations in inner city-like camps on welfare with no productive skills. Israeli government will proudly report it solved the issue of refugees with compensation or some other measure, and the population will happily forget that the brothers of those refugees are living in Israel. Palestinian refugees in Lebanon are 394,000. They are a no-issue compared to 1.4 million Arabs in Israel. Israeli establishment inflates the problem of Palestinian refugees so that the Jews ignore the real problem: of Arab voters in the Jewish state, who constitute 34% among the young.
The government defends the separation barrier which marks Israel as a walled ghetto. But the wall is a no-issue: Western governments agree that a border must be protected. The issue of the wall obfuscates the real problem: what’s going on beyond the wall, what to do with brewing militancy of Arabs who want their land back? The wall didn’t stop the Kassam rockets, and the Road Map envisages a Palestinian state 9 miles from Tel Aviv.
Oligarchs are supposed to be on the right wing, but in Israel they are all leftists. They want security for their investments, regardless of the cost to Jewish ideals. "Land for peace" is a very acceptable platform both for oligarchs and the politicians whose campaigns they pay for. Other countries fight for land, but Israel is expected to win the wars, take the land - and give it back to unrelenting enemies. The political establishment obfsucates the thing by talking about return of the West Bank. No, it plans to give away Judea and Samaria. It already handed Arabs Hebron - King David's capital.

What does it mean, a "Jewish democratic state"? 34% Arabs and 14% Slavs – is it a Jewish state? Here goes the Newspeak. Leftists redefine the words. Their Jewish state is a walled ghetto protected by the UN peacekeepers in Lebanon and worthless peace treaties, a state where police beats religious Jews and destroys Jewish villages, where the Arabs don't pay taxes, build without permits and restrictions, and are virtually immune from prosecution.
Their solution to the demographic problem is to redraw the borders to leave Israeli Arabs in Palestine. That won't work. Arabs were 200,000 in 1949, 1.4 million now. Leave any number of them - they will breed and bring Jordanian spouses. Arabs don't need to become a majority; a large and coherent group, they disproportionably influence the fragmented Knesset. Rabin was elected on Arab votes, and so was Barak in the recent primaries. On positive side, Arabs increasingly vote for Arab parties rather than Avodah, and Jewish politicians might eventually become less dependent on Arab votes.
Most Palestinians perfectly agree to whatever boundaries Jews allocate them. They want to live their lives. The conflict is with a few militants. Before Shimon Peres brought Arafat from Tunis, the West Bank was quiet. The problem is not the West Bank Arabs, but Arab citizens of Israel. They vote the Jewish state out of existence.
Many leftists agree there that yes, they want the Arabs out of Israel, but that's impossible given the Western attitude. Only a small minority of ultra-left crackpots - not even all the Shalom Achshav members - wants Arabs in the Jewish state; they are clinical cases of self-hating Jews. Anything that is bad for Jews is good for them.
A “restricted democracy” won’t work. It is an apartheid. Arabs won't give up with apartheid, especially when Jewish schools teach them the noble values of liberty, unrestricted democracy, and nationalism.

It’s not that all Arabs are terrorists. Few engage in guerrilla warfare. The West Bankers hate Fatah much more than they hate Israel. National issues, however, are decided by the most determined group, not a majority. Maccabees were a minority, and so were Zionists; most Jews laughed at the idea of moving to Palestine. Al Aqsa Martyrs' Brigade and similar paramilitary groups are determined to fight the Zionist state; opinion of the silent majority of the Palestinians doesn't matter. If clashes ensue, many common Palestinians will join the fighters. If Jews are weak, still more Palestinians will join the pogrom mobs. Not all of them, and not even a majority, but enough that Israel cannot live in peace with them. The silent majority of Palestinians want the Jewish state - an occupying state in the land of their ancestors - to cease, but don't want to suffer to that end; recall how the common Gazans condemned Hamas for firing Kassam rockets on Israel from settled areas. Their problem is not attacking Israel per se, but rather doing that from urban centers where the Palestinians suffer Israeli retaliation. A peace-loving nation has to crack on its militants; as long as it doesn't, the entire nation is a fair game.
Ze'ev Zhabotinsky laid the framework for "an eye for an eye" approach to Arab terrorism. He advanced a concept of countering the Arab defense (Zionists love to call it aggression) with iron fist. Avraham Stern founded the LEHI group which killed Arabs at random and blew their markets in retaliation for attacks against Jews; the strategy proved highly effective at curbing the Arab violence. Israeli establishment labels LEHI "a Stern gang" but Stern is an official hero of Israel, with streets named after him. Israel honors Shlomo ben Yosef, executed by the British for shooting at an Arab bus in retaliation for Arab attacks on Jews. Irgun and even Haganah-Palmach later joined the retaliatory raids, notably in Dir Yassin, and cleansed scores of Arab villages during the 1948 war. That's not nice, but "an eye for an eye" retaliation is the optimal strategy for curtailing a threat. The Arab threat.

Young Jewish families and immigrants cannot afford housing. The proper answer is not bringing Arab workers but implementing the two basic free market approaches. One, an owner of land – including agricultural land – can build on it without restrictions. Two, liability insurance must replace all permits; insurance companies, not government agencies should check safety of buildings. These two measures would decrease housing cost at least in half, probably closer to four times. But who cares to implement them? The bureaucracy wants regulatory power and bribes from contractors. The government wants the higher taxes from high-priced real estate. Contractors similarly receive higher profits on the higher prices. House owners are happy about inflationary rise of their property value.

Israeli contractors scream that ending the flow of Arab labor would increase the cost of construction. That’s nonsense. The labor costs account for less than $100 per square meter of the total price of $800-6,000. Using the more expensive Jewish labor won’t noticeably increase the real estate prices. If Arab labor is so cheap now, how come the apartments are so expensive? Zoning laws, especially the almost-impossible conversion of agricultural land keep land prices rising. A tremendous amount of regulations makes compliance increasingly expensive. The labor part of the overall cost doesn’t matter. The government can single-handedly offset the cost increase because of switching from the Palestinian labor with measures ranging from wider access for Thai workers to easing regulatory burden which will increase the amount of construction and drive prices down.

A major advantage of Arab workers for Israeli contractors is that Arabs fit into the black market economy. Many Arab workers take cash wages without the contractors’ paying taxes or benefits. The contractors prefer Arab employees also for the old adage, “Whoever buys himself a Jewish slave, buys a master for himself.” Arab workers are more amenable.

The low quality of Arab work has long become proverbial, but since rare customers have resources to sue negligent contractors, the latter do not care to hire diligent Jewish workers.

Israeli law demands that migrant workers from Palestine return home at night instead of staying in Israel to engage in terrorist acts. Many Arabs neglect that rule to avoid the long lines at checkpoints, and sleep at factories, warehouses, and in unfinished buildings. Small groups of concerned citizens can search out such illegal migrants and insistently report them to police, making sure that police act upon the information. Most Arabs will chose to remain in Fatah-land of the West Bank rather than spend hours every day traveling to work in Israel.

Arabs stay in Israel only because they can economically parasitize on Jews. Stop hiring them, stop buying from them, stop patronizing the establishments that hire them. They will move.

Ben Gurion presided over the hunt for Jewish guerrillas from Irgun and Lehi. Yet, he encouraged Jewish soldiers to drive out Arabs in 1948. Moshe Dayan and leftists after him argued against annexing the West Bank because Israel doesn’t want more Arabs. Jewish state was more important to Dayan than Jewish land. In our politically correct time, Olmert and Jerusalem mayor Lupolyansky decried the increasing Arab presence in Jerusalem. Israel pushes her Arabs to emigrate. Low conversion rates among Slavic immigrants prompted the Ministry of Absorption to push for non-Orthodox conversion courts whose giyur would amount to Allah Akbar declaration. Israel wants to be a Jewish state and is concerned with non-Jewish presence.

Moderately religious Jews and their atheist leaders want to rid the country of non-Jews for a secular reason: comfort. Centuries of persecutions left the Jews with no illusion about their difference and the others’ built-in ant-Semitism. It is uncomfortable to live with aliens, much less with the aliens who dislike you. Presence of large number of non-Jews repudiates the purpose of Jewish state, and removes from Jews a reason to suffer in Israel rather than moving to Canada.

Ethnic-conscious policies are unsustainable in the current international political situation. Israel will have to abandon the Jew-only Law of Return under foreign pressure. Israel could drug the issue by allowing reunification of Jewish families (thus immigration) while bureaucratically opposing Arab’ reunification. Israeli Supreme Court will eventually strike down such practice.

Israel’s only solution to Jewish character of the state is the religious definition. A politically correct state cannot be Jewish, but can be Judaic – like the Vatican is Catholic and Mecca – Muslim. A minimal enforcement of Sabbath, kosher food laws, and gay-free streets would leave Israel a Jewish state without major opposition from the West.