Condoleezza Rice is a familiar type of assimilator. A product of affirmative action herself, she decries racial preferences. Promoted at the university and in politics due to her race, not her altogether unimpressive scholarly works, she assimilated to the WASP milieu. Like Jewish assimilators, she purges her cultural roots. Empty souls make queer alliances.

Recently Rice inaugurated an Arab festival in the US called exactly the opposite: the American Task Force on Palestine. Let’s look at some of the people around her.

Ziad Asali, a Palestinian intensely disliked even by his brethren who commonly call him a quisling. One of the self-appointed national leaders who live in America and have stronger ties to the US government than to their own people. Asali’s generous offer to Israel (strenuously rejected by other Arabs) includes: the partition of Jerusalem, abandoning all Israeli settlements, return to the indefensible 1948 border, an uncertain solution of the Palestinian refugee problem (he hints at compensation for their fourth-generation descendants), open borders (and an influx of Palestinian migrants and laborers into Israel), and huge subsidies to Palestine. That is the man Rice publicly thanks for counseling her.

Another guest is ultra-liberal Jewish collaborator Carl Levin. His family has held so many public offices they defy the notion of nepotism.

Next comes John Sununu, an Arab American who alone among US governors refused to condemn the “Zionism is Racism” UN resolution. His son John, currently a US senator, votes on issues of life and death for Israel. Just like Asali, Sununu is a good friend of Bush.

Then Saudi ambassador Turki al-Faisal. His topics of choice for public speeches are Israeli crimes in Palestine, the partition of Jerusalem, and the injustice of the separation wall which, guess, prevents Palestinian terrorists and illegal workers from entering Israel. In his capacity as chief of Saudi intelligence, Turki was directly responsible for bankrolling the PLO. During the Israeli military operation in Lebanon in 2006, Turki declared that, “[Hezbollah’s] irresponsible actions do not justify the Israeli destruction of Lebanon.” Turki supports official Saudi demands on Israel: abandoning the strategically important Golan Heights, return of the descendants of 1948 Palestinian refugees, and East Jerusalem as capital of the Palestinian state.

Jesse Aweida, a Palestinian American oligarch and activist with close ties to Bush, isn’t worth describing.

An interesting person at the forum was Mujid Kazimi, a Palestinian professor at MIT who works on . . . guess: nuclear programs. And keeps a kinsman’s eye on all things Arab.

Back to Rice. She flattered the audience, spoke of the “great contributions” of Palestinian Americans to the United States. Indeed. Sununu, a mediocre bureaucrat fired for misuse of a government plane. Aweida, a relatively minor investor. Kazimi, a second-tier professor. The Palestinians have contributed little to America beside Palestinian terrorism. They contribute more to the Bushies.

Rice called her interlocutors in Middle Eastern governments “friends and allies.” If they are her friends and allies, then Rice is Israel’s enemy. Rice’s accent is clear: she calls issues “Palestinian-Israeli,” Palestine first.

Some of Rice’s statements must have produced smiles among the guests, as when she said that stories of suffering in Israel are hard for them to hear.

Rice spoke of the radicals in Hamas and Hezbollah, as if those were essentially peace-loving organizations.

Rice said she was looking for moderate Arab leaders. They are easy to find. The problem is, the Arab population does not support them. Sadat bent Egyptian public opinion and forced peace with Israel; thirty years later, Egyptians hate Israel intensely. The Lebanese people freely elected Hezbollah, and the Palestinians democratically elected Hamas, specifically because they don’t want moderates. One can hope that Israelis will also reject Jewish quislings.

Rice has bizarre pets: Siniora in Lebanon, who did nothing to stop Hezbollah before or during the war with Israel and does nothing to disarm it now; Maliki in Iraq, who has already shown the Americans the door; Abbas in Palestine, who enjoys zero popular support in his struggle with Hamas.

Rice repeated Bush’s nonsense about the right of the Palestinians to live in democracy without terrorism and corruption. Every Arab government is thoroughly corrupt. Palestine is perfectly democratic now; the US establishment just refuses to see that the democracy they pushed for brought Hamas to power. About the right of the Palestinians to live without terrorism, they live without it now. The suicide bombers blow up Israelis, not Palestinians—with the full support of their compatriots.

Rice is proud that the democratic elections the US pushed let Palestinians express their views, even though they elected Hamas. Did she ever wonder why the US didn’t let the Germans or the Japanese express their views in 1945? Why the US dismantled a democratic (indeed, obsessed with referenda) Nazi government? Democracy is not the goal; in militant societies, it’s not even an option.

According to Rice, Hamas could “hijack the future of all Palestinians” before but now is held accountable. What news show does she listen to? Hamas is not a hijacker but the true representative of the Palestinian people who honestly hate Israel and want to destroy it by any means.

Rice counts only two choices for Hamas: either a peaceful political party or a violent terrorist group. Wrong. Hamas is a proper political party that resorts to violence when it deems it necessary. Almost every party in the world does likewise.

Rice calls Hamas’ agenda “rejectionist.” Yet Hamas demands exactly the same things as her Arab friends at the forum: settling 1948 Palestinian refugee issues, partitioning Jerusalem, dismantling the security fence, and so on.

Rice defiantly affirms that the US government circumvented the American legal ban on cooperation with terrorist groups: aid is now channeled “directly to the Palestinian people,” not to Hamas. How so? Is there an organizational structure in Palestine independent of the Hamas-run government? Any aid is, in the end, distributed by Hamas officials. US aid goes not to the terrorist group per se but to Palestinians who overwhelmingly and materially support that group. Half a billion dollars a year for the supporters of terrorists.

Rice invents facts out of thin air. She calls Palestinians “some of the hardest working people in the Middle East.” Any other Arab would collapse in laughter on hearing that.

Rice presses Israel to admit migrant Palestinian workers. Let her play that with the Mexicans. Rice doesn’t want to open US borders to hordes of Mexican laborers, yet she demands that Israel open her labor and agricultural markets to the Palestinians. Labor relations between Israel and Palestine are not Rice’s business.

Astonishingly, America is helping Palestine reform its security services. Palestine has a very strong security apparatus that employs at least one percent of the population. What more does the US want? A private army for Abbas to overturn the freely elected Hamas government? That’s wishful thinking. The military equipment and expertise the US confers on the Palestinians wind up with Hamas.

Refreshingly, Rice ended her anti-Israeli diatribe with an insult to Americans: “There could be no greater legacy for America than to help to bring into being a Palestinian state.” Such minor achievements as the Bill of Rights to victory over communism fade before the glorious prospect of a Palestinian state.