Leftists concentrate their efforts on the Avodah party, but conservatives are dispersed among many parties. That situation reflects differences in mindset. Leftists are oriented toward immediate goals, while right-wingers look to high-flown ideals. Leftists join party lists and government coalitions based on the common current agenda; fringe conservatives refuse to join those with slightly different religious ideas. Thus, Israel sports several ultra-conservative religious parties.

Feiglin wrongly decided to subvert Likud instead of forming his own party. Feiglin’s choice was circumstantial: he needed to quickly join a party list in order to gain immunity from politically motivated prosecution. Likud offered only a dead end to Feiglin. Most of Likud voters are anti-Labor rather than right; few subscribe to Feiglin’s policy of holding on to Judea and Samaria. Likud also moderated Feiglin, particularly on the issue of transferring Israeli Arabs to Jordan; such moderation cost Feiglin a great number of right-wing votes. Feiglin has little chance to rise through Likud’s hierarchy. There are many ways to shut him up. For example, the proposed merger with Israel Beitenu pushes Feiglin’s candidates to the bottom of Likud’s list. Even if Feiglin surprisingly rises to Likud’s leadership and makes the party right-wing, he would only see Likud’s electorate switching to other centrist parties. Party’s brand is a great asset in huge mature democracies like the US; launching a new party is prohibitively expensive. Small, new democracies like Israel typically have a fluid party composition, with parties continuously entering and leaving the political scene. That trend is especially pronounced in a country of credulous, dreaming, messianically minded Jews who jump on every savior media ads proclaim to them. Hijacking Likud makes no sense for Feiglin.

Can the right wing form a winning coalition? Voter turnout is fairly high among Israel’s 19% Arabs; they vote Jewish left (which is Arab right). Slavs and Jews-by-grandfather form about 15% of Israeli population. They often stand for strong measures against Arabs, but rarely support truly conservative ideas like the annexed Judea and Samaria, expelled Arabs, and even united Jerusalem; they are decent soldiers, but it’s just not their war. They fought equally courageously in Afghanistan and Chechnya. Close to 10% of Israeli Jewish citizens reside abroad and don’t vote. Not less than a third of Jews are hard-core leftists who embrace Arabs in the Jewish state and don’t consider Judea the Jewish land. Israeli conservatives cannot hope for a majority. Even if they do form the Knesset majority, the leftist Supreme Court would quash their racist moves, and Israeli security establishment based on the MAPAI core will enforce the left’s law. Murders of Kahane family and Ze’evi showed that Israeli establishment won’t risk ideological competitors. They will be bought like Lieberman, subverted into political mainstream like Feiglin, or killed like Kahane. Government propaganda machine didn’t yet try on Feiglin a fraction of its facilities mobilized against Kahane or Sharon.

There is no alternative to revolution.

Once upon a time, there was a good Jew. He knew the true meaning of Jewish religion and argued against the attempts to twist it. He accused the religious establishment of hypocrisy and condemned the rabbis for abrogating the religion with their fancy interpretations.
He lambasted Jewish leaders for the policies detrimental to Jewish people.
He came to Jews originally, but was forced to teach among Gentiles. Crowds followed him, but Jewish leaders grew apprehensive of his influence. They smeared him. “He was despised and we esteemed him not.” They brought false charges against him, and misused the law. Politically unable to execute him, they arranged for a hostile foreigner to murder the Jew.
After his death, his followers were dispersed and persecuted. Many were jailed, some – murdered. His words proved true.

His name was Meir Kahane.

Meir Kahane debates Alan Dershowitz - on DVD

Meir Kahane's lecture at Brandeis University - on DVD

[These are the two landmark pieces of apologia, Jewishness vs. democracy. The files are full DVD - you can watch them on your computer or burn DVDs - please distribute as many copies as you can. The files are huge, about 3Gb each, and you probably need a download manager like FlashGet. The files are .exe - run them to unpack the DVDs.]

Propaganda, both in Israel and Nazi ghettos, brainwashed Jews into the alternative reality where the reality was too painful to accept.
Aircraft is useless against terrorists, but the IDF sends fighter jets against Palestinian villages to show the Israelis that even the strongest measures fail. Jews, accordingly, lose hope. Israeli government purposely humiliates Jews promising to divide Jerusalem and reduce Israel to ludicrous borders. The humiliation is decidedly senseless, as when the Jews are banned from praying at the Temple Mount; in concentration camps, Jews were similarly made to run with heavy sacks there and back. East Jerusalem is given to Arabs because Arabs settle it, anyway; by that token, give away the Galilee, also populated by Arabs. Instead of self-evident measure of driving Arabs from Jerusalem, Israeli government takes Jerusalem from Jews.
The government repeatedly provokes Palestinians with peace promises to maintain the ongoing violence. Shelling of Sderot makes Jews accept the proximity of death; in ghettos, Jews likewise stepped over corpses and moved on. Rocket attacks on the north Israel engaged Israelis in betrayal: they partied in Tel Aviv while their kin was murdered in Haifa. Peace process offers them a hope on par with Germans' selling train tickets to Jewish crowds shipped actually to death camps. And the EU sponsors the Judenrat establishment which stirs Jewish state toward its end.

I’d love to see a mid-level IDF commander taking his regiment to the Knesset, shooting all but a half-dozen MK’s, continuing with everyone in the government, deporting the Arabs, and annexing the territories. Sick of the treacherous politicians and unstoppable concessions, most Israelis will concur. That’s unlikely for practical reasons. Leftists stuffed Shabak, Mossad, and even police with the political kin. Israeli security organizations are deeply leftist. Political filtering of the employees became less severe in 1970s after the Likud victory, took off under Rabin and shortly afterwards, and is still perceptible. Sharon weeded out many right-wingers in the army and security services. Given the security agencies’ strong grip over Israeli society, conspirators have to be few. That makes them, once initially successful, vulnerable to assault by overwhelming number of special forces. Abortive putsches often precede major revolutions, and the lives are worth spending even with limited hope of success, but for now the coup option seems closed.
Two other venues have better prospects. One, abandon Israeli citizenship and move behind the Green Line – first as stateless refugees. Fighting Palestine is easier than Israel. Another, steadily subvert Israeli democracy by further decomposing the army and police's morale: with accusations of anti-Jewish behavior, criminal charges and civil claims for brutal treatment, etc. Revolutions succeed when security apparatus is weak.

Masses are not asses as Alexander Hamilton characterized them. On the contrary, populations are remarkably sensible. Many ostensible aberrations are superficial. Russians supported socialist revolution as the only imaginable alternative to oppressive monarchy, and supported socialism afterwards because propaganda convinced them that capitalism offers less economic opportunities. Once the information barrier was broken in mid-1950s and especially the 1980s and Russians realized that Americans live way better than they do, communism was doomed. In another example, Israelis did not vote for a kind of Rabin who signed Oslo accords but for the Rabin who ordered Israeli army to break hands and legs of Arabs during Intifada. Israelis voted for Begin (Sinai), Shamir (Madrid), Rabin (Oslo), Netanyahu (Wye River), Sharon (Gaza) who promised hard-line approach to Arabs, but lied; Shimon Peres openly appeases the Arabs and never gained support among Jews. All polls indicate that Israelis think rationally: they want a Jewish state free of Arabs in defensible borders, and oppose Palestinian state.

Israeli leftists predominantly resent the Arabs and gladly kill them in wars. Ben-Gurion helped 600,000 Arabs to flee Israel in 1948. The left, however, is rational: if Arabs cannot be driven out, Jews have to coexist with them. If Israel cannot annex Judea and Samaria, it’s logical to give them away to Arabs. The left have all the correct premises except one: faith and vision overcome the boundaries of rational politics.

No one seeks popular consensus on scientific theories; majority cannot decide which scientific hypothesis is correct. Politics is a science no less complex than others; more complex, actually, since it depends on subjective inputs from many players rather than objective observable facts as natural sciences. Politicians cannot fool people about goals, but can deceive about procedures. Socialists falsely assert that redistribution enhances general welfare; Israeli political crooks claim that sweeping concessions bring peace with determined Arab enemy.

Democratic elections bring autocrats to power. Elected politicians feel free to pursue any agenda, often contrary to their electoral promises. But people vote for platforms, not personalities. Electoral platforms form an integral part of electoral mandate. Elected representatives, just like the power-of-attorney representatives, are only authorized to carry out the principal’s express wishes. The Knesset must amend election laws so that voting bulletins include not only names, but also specific electoral promises which the politicians are not allowed to break.

Churchill was right: democracy is a bad system of government, except that others are worse. Torah implies democratic governing of Jewish communities in the injunction, “Do not follow majority to evil.” Presumably, in other instances one has to follow the majority. “Do not follow” is not passive. If the majority is deluded into thinking that homosexuality is a liberal value rather than abomination or the destruction of Gush Katif brings peace with Arabs, passive resistance turns into acquiescence. “Do not follow” dictates continuing in status quo ante, the old ways. In the above example, the commandment tells us to continue treating homosexuality as wickedness and Gush Katif – as Jewish land the Arabs are barred from.

Ben Franklin advanced his version of “do not follow” rule: “Democracy is two wolves and a lamb voting on what to have for lunch. Liberty is a well-armed lamb contesting the vote.” That’s the essence of republican or liberal democracy: people submit to majority vote if it does not infringe on their dear values.

If it does infringe, then we have to fight.

Israel adheres to classical socialist ideology: rational reforming of societies. Despite the evident enmity between Arabs and Zionist Jews, Israeli political establishment imagines that simple steps like propaganda or signing a peace treaty will make the wolves and not exactly sheep friends. Israel is vehemently atheist, from anti-religious brainwashing in schools to the purposely humiliating gay parades in Jerusalem. Israel substitutes an artificial ideology of Zionism for Judaism. Challengers to the official ideology are ridiculed, labeled right-wingers and/or religious extremists, smeared, and discounted.

The early Israeli society was in many respect more hard-line socialist than the USSR. Israeli association of trade unions, Histadrut, held the total sway over the economy; labor strikes and racketeering wage demands were common. They continue now in monopolized and state-owned industries.

Israeli was effectively a single-party state, ruled by the Labor party MAPAI. Though several parties form the government now, they collude to the point of no distinction among them. The leftist Avodah and centrist Kadima reached consensus on labor and economic issues, atheist Avodah and fundamentalist NU/NRP maintain a common religious policy, defeatist Kadima and demagogically right Israel Beitenu agree on the borders and settlements.

Israeli bureaucracy is immensely powerful. Economic regulation far exceeds the Soviet and even the current Russian levels. Politically motivated police investigations discourage ministers from pursuing efficient approaches, and they play it safe in accordance with bureaucratic instructions. The system continuously churns out new instructions to cover every contingency and strip the officials of personal responsibility. Frequent rotation of ministers reinforces the bureaucratic regulations’ role of providing a semblance of continuity.

Political appointees permeated governing bodies, security apparatus, and justice. No one in the echelons of power has a slightest interest in reforming the socialist totalitarian system. Strict licensing and censoring of mass media allows manipulating the public opinion into consent. Opposition leaders are deprived of media access to clear themselves from the PR attacks and stripped from funding: the establishment presses the sponsors to abandon support for opposition; small funding comes from mostly a few foreign Jews who did not embrace the leftist slogans and don’t depend on Israeli government for profits.

After the fall of the USSR, Israel likewise replaced her socialism with a mild version of fascism. The features of Israeli political lifestyle include rationalist ideology, intolerance to opposition, media and education control, militarizing of society and cult of force, an extremely strong security apparatus which targets the opposition, consensus among the major political parties, concentration of private capital on the background of mass poverty, convergence of government with large businesses through tenders, underpriced privatization, and political donations, and a specific type of corruption where the government officials disperse favor by accepting bribes rather than the bribers’ controlling the recipients of bribes. Israeli socialism did not break down, as in Czechoslovakia, but evolved into a sturdy totalitarianism. Israeli political system is self-reinforcing: justice supports the left, magnates prop the government, political parties oppose newcomers, leftist media employees condemn Judaism, and religious parties place no hopes in Zionism and seek government subsidies. Israeli police is equally brutal to Jewish and Arab protesters. Its allegiance lies with the state. State is a body neither of Jews, nor of Arabs, but an independent body worshipped by voters, bureaucrats, and law enforcement. The state is an idol.

Such a strong system cannot be possibly reformed, but only demolished.

Jews are peculiar, and so is Jewish fascism. Normal fascists persecuted immoral, destructive elements within their nations. Israeli fascists persecute the best, zealous Jews.

Jerusalem court found Itamar ben Gvir guilty of “abetting a terrorist organization” and “incitement to racism.” A terrorist organization in question is Kach – which has never perpetrated any act of terror, but only called to deporting hostile Arabs from the Jewish state to Jordan. Itamar “abetted” the “terrorist organization” by distributing a flyer which included the line, “Rabbi Kahane was right.” Israeli court equaled a mere statement of opinion with the material aid to terrorists. Was any American sentenced for lauding James Brown? How many Muslims got in jail worldwide for lauding Osama bin Laden’s actions? None. How many Arabs are sentenced in Israel for waving the PLO, Hamas, and Hezbollah flags? None.

Rabbi Meir Kahane was a prominent politician, a member of the Knesset, a prolific writer. The Jerusalem court refused Itamar a right to express his personal opinion about Kahane. Even the USSR did not sentence dissidents for praising Solzhenitsyn. Israeli leftist establishment has long made a mockery of the freedom of speech by tightly controlling the media. Itamar’s conviction is a formal proof that the concept of free speech is non-existent in the fascist state of Israel.

The charge of “incitement to racism” is absent from the criminal laws of civilized countries. One can incite to action (e.g., lynching), not to forming an opinion (racism). An “incitement” to form a (racist) opinion is actually permissible propaganda. There was nothing racist in Itamar’s words. He didn’t call the Arabs beasts, sub-humans, or urged their annihilation. Itamar held a slogan, “Evict Arab enemy” which clearly refers to the Arabs who showed disloyalty to the Jewish state.

The court also charged Itamar with calling Arab members of Knesset “the fifth column.” A search for “America fifth column” on Google produces 1.6 million results. No one went to jail for calling political opponents a fifth column; Israeli court sentenced Itamar for the very same words.

A fascist Israeli state deserves the same treatment as its fellow totalitarian states of Germany, Italy, and Russia – extirpation of the oppressive ruling clique.

I’m an optimist. Whenever someone says the things cannot possibly get worse, I retort that they surely can. In politics, degradation cannot hit the bottom – the bottom is continuously moving down.

Many viewed the landmark election of Rabin on Arab votes as the end of Jewish state. Then Sharon evicted Jews from the very settlements he asked them to build. Olmert the apparatchik was swept into the power by hardly 14% of eligible voters and a dead boss. Peretz the Peace Now activist was appointed the Defense Minister. He was replaced with Barak, who presided over the year 2000 Israeli giveaway of south Lebanon to Hezbollah and passed Israel’s only significant gas field to Arafat; corruption and treason go hand in hand. The Knesset elected Shimon Peres, the murderer of the murderer of Altalena, a president despite Peres’ glaring corruption and Jew-hating policies; MKs chose to forget that it was Peres who brought the insignificant PLO from Tunis into the West Bank’s prominence and launched the Oslo process which claimed more Jewish casualties than the Yom Kippur War. With all the political scum thus employed, it’s hard to imagine another shocking appointment, but it will surely follow.

People who breached a moral barrier go all the way to denying existence of that barrier in order to justify themselves. Criminals continue committing crimes. Israeli political establishment stepped on a sleazy surface of betrayal in Madrid and redefined capitulation as “peace process,” concessions to the losing and unrepentant enemy as “moral obligation,” and policies clearly detrimental to Jews as beneficial to the Golem of the Middle East peace. The Israeli Jew-haters recognize immorality of their policies and depend on brainwashing the masses; not surprisingly, recent poll indicates that Kadima voters – uniquely among Israelis – overwhelmingly want the Diaspora Jews to stay away from Israel. Normal, zealous Jews, whether American or Russian, are dangerous to Jew-hating Israeli politicians. Mental normality is relegated to the lowest levels of Israeli society whose members suffered the least brain damage from the leftist educational system: the same poll shows that only the Jews with elementary education favor government spending to strengthen ties with the Diaspora.

Only the utter disrespect for everything Jewish allows the government to brainwash the Jews. The leftist education substitutes tolerance to the sworn Arab enemy for patriotism. Most of the criticisms I receive come from Israeli youths. They don’t dispute facts or even analysis but condemn me solely for criticizing Israel. Leftists fostered a quasi-right generation of jingoists who hate the Arabs without trying to understand them, whose patriotism is hollow, lacking a definable national idea. The leftist-controlled media manipulates public opinion as if the audience consists of automatons rather than fellow Jews.

What but Jew-hatred explains the peace process? Palestinians are sending suicide bombers to Israel while Palestine is de facto a state; why would the cease with de jure statehood? Israel doesn’t want the hassle of policing the territories? fine, stop policing them, just guard our borders as we would guard them against the Palestinian state. Don’t want to care about the Palestinians’ welfare as an occupational force must care? formally end the occupation, abandon the Palestinian towns. Want security guarantees from Palestinians? better go think about security threat from Iran. Israel, like Egypt did not want to police Gaza – a giant inner city. What did that logically has to do with destroying Gush Katif? Israel could have both abandoned Gaza and annex Gush Katif as an insular area. True, Gush Katif required protection – but so do Sderot and Haifa. Similarly, Israel can disengage from Palestinian-settled areas (until a leader arises to drive the Arabs to Jordan) while retaining blocks of Jewish settlements and huge unpopulated areas. Muslims have already swallowed the insult of a Jewish state in the land they consider theirs; would they reject peace with Israel because of a few thousand acres taken from the state of the Palestinians whom they despise? Hebron, in many respects, is more important to Jews than even Jerusalem, but Netanyahu gave it to Arabs; why? After the wars of 1948, 1956, 1967, 1973, 1982, 2006 – does the Israeli government imagine that Hebron is an obstacle to the peace? Israel’s chances of a lasting peace with Muslims are same whether with or without Hebron – zero; why not retain Hebron, then? Does Israeli government believe that Muslims will fight Israel if she removes Haram ash-Sharif complex from the Temple Mount and rebuilds the Temple? Of course, not. Islamic terrorists won’t hate the Israel that destroyed Al Aqsa more than they now hate the Israel that ostensibly massacred Arabs in Deir Yassin or the Israel that merely exists. Islamic dictatorships will not fight nuclear Israel. Moshe Dayan honestly expressed the reason for not taking over the Temple Mount: he did not want a second Vatican there, a Jewish Vatican, that is. Jewish idea is an anathema to Israeli rulers. If Jewish idea exists, then they are illegitimate usurpers, criminals who should be cut off from the society instead of ruling it.

If Jewish rulers identified themselves with Jews, Israeli policies could be described as masochistic; in fact, the rulers are sadists. Who can imagine a worse desecration of graves of Jewish martyrs who died in the Arab terrorist attacks than prisoners’ swap? What could be a worse slap in the face of their grieving friends and relatives? The government spits upon the thousands of murdered and maimed Jewish women, children, civilians in order to stage a peace process show. It’s not a matter of whether we want Cpl. Shalit back – though he could be brought back by exchanging him for Ismail Haniyeh. “You don’t know whose blood is redder.” One murder – hundreds of murders – cannot be ignored to avoid another one; hundreds of deaths cannot be exchanged for Shalit’s life. The IDF risks soldiers’ lives to retrieve bodies of their fallen comrades; how much more proper it is to risk Shalit’s life in order to pay the last respect – justice – to the hundreds of Jews murdered by the soon-to-be-swapped terrorists?
Actions can be rationally correct, but still morally unacceptable. Morality is not an abstract phenomenon, but cohesive force of society. Future Jerusalem mayor Teddy Kollek was right – in his worldview – to betray Jewish guerrillas to British intelligence; Ben Gurion and Rabin were right – in the political interest of their party – to shoot the Irgun members on Altalena. Those actions, and many others by leftist Jew-haters, established a rule that some Jews could be sacrificed in the others’ interest. Peres’ “victims of the peace process” concept was a logical continuation of Altalena. Sderot is today’s Altalena. Israeli government kills the people of Sderot by Hamas hands to continue appeasing the Quartet. The government provides humanitarian aid to those who consider Jews sub-humans, who elected Hamas which shells Sderot. Indeed, the residents of Sderot pay taxes used to purchase humanitarian aid for Gazans; doesn’t that come close to digging a grave for oneself? The government sends Jewish soldiers to take casualties evacuating Fatah gangsters from Gaza. The government collects taxes for the Palestinian Administration to pay its employees: the Education Ministry which imbues young Arabs with hatred to Jews, the Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigade whose sole aim is to kill Jews.

Israeli ruling clique set Arabs as masters for Jews. Police is afraid to touch Arabs for the fear of leftist lawsuits. Arab neighborhoods not only in Galilee, but in Lod, miles from Ben Gurion airport, are Judenfrei; Israeli police enters them in armored cars. Arab members of Israeli Knesset, whose allegiance is with the PLO and financing – with Arab drug dealers, vote on the matters of life and death for Jews, on the peace process and security of Jewish state. Jews cannot afford exorbitantly priced apartments while Arabs illegally but with impunity build entire neighborhoods of villas. Jews sag under the weight of taxes; Arabs don’t pay them. Ehud Barak, a Defense Minister of the Jewish state, won the Labor leadership on Arab votes; if that’s not a conflict of interest, what is?

Israel and especially Jewish Diaspora organizations use money donated by common Jews to aid to the most anti-Semitic groups such as American Blacks and Indonesians, and engage openly anti-Semitic countries such as Ukraine. Some of those hostile beneficiaries might be good people, but statistically righteous among them are as few as in Sodom. The Diaspora establishment destroy Jewish religious education and push the Jews to assimilate. The Diaspora leaders pay their entrance fee to Gentile political Olympus with the souls of assimilated Jews. The assimilation sparks anti-Semitism as the locals feel threatened and irritated by influx of still different Jews into their society.

Israeli rulers ascended from Jews into the politicians, an Israeli version of dregs-to-riches, fearful dregs into powerful riches. Oligarchy worse than in Russia, Huxlean totalitarianism, Soviet-era socialism, moral subjectivism unseen in America, bureaucracy worthy of the dying Ottoman Empire, more anti-Semitic than any anti-Semitic country. Bureaucrats do not contend themselves with bribes, but humiliate Jews: from old people standing in Israeli embassies for hours to obtain visa to entrepreneurs imploring for permits that shouldn’t exist in the first place to the settlers uprooted at whim to Jewish soldiers sent to death in urban fights in order to satisfy foreign media and domestic leftists. Snobbish with foreigners, Israeli bureaucrats oppress Jews who remind them of their own lowly roots.

The ruling clique permeated the security establishment, media, education. It won’t go away through elections. Israel needs revolution.

Decades ago, Meir Kahane posed a question: Revolution or Referendum? The time for referendum has passed. Israel’s ruling clique knows that many polls indicate that the Jews universally want to live in a state without Arabs, in defensible borders (no Palestinian state), and to forcefully counter the terrorists. Israeli leftists, oligarchs, and their political nominees share both an affinity to foreign governments and, accordingly, an anti-Jewish agenda. Political candidates habitually lie to voters, promising them a hard line against the Arabs, but once in office, they proceed with capitulations.

Israel is a post-communist country. A few countries that peacefully abandoned socialism saw their ex-communists coming back. Worse than in Czechoslovakia - the only entirely peaceful scenario of post-communist transformation of entire country - Israel developed a strong oligarchy. The degree of governmental-oligarchic control over Israel resembles the situation in Russia. Worse than in Russia, Israeli rulers lack a nationalist agenda. The real Israeli opposition lacks money and media access, is besieged by the courts and the police, and is obstructed at every level of government. Even if nationalist Jews are allowed to compete for votes on par with the established parties, a leftist-Arab majority guarantees the outcome of elections. There is no chance of peacefully shedding Israeli oligarchic socialism.

As a pre-requisite to successful revolution, the Israeli system of government should be made dysfunctional. The leftists take care of the police with their incessant suits over alleged brutality against Arab terrorists. Continuous concessions to Arabs, temporarily culminating in Gush Katif and Lebanon, considerably demoralized the army.

Olmert is the best candidate to further discredit the government. Counter-intuitive as that sounds, patriotic Israelis are better off voting Olmert rather than Netanyahu.

Today is Yigal Amir’s birthday. People who act on their political beliefs though they face life in prison, deserve utmost respect; Yigal Amir no less than Nelson Mandela.

Rabin fled a battlefield near Jerusalem during the War of Independence, abandoning his soldiers to death, and he gunned down defenseless Jews on the Altalena.

Rabin committed high treason to win the 1992 elections. Yosi Beilin conspired in Cairo with Abu Mazen to convince Israeli Arabs to vote for Labor in exchange for sweeping concessions to the PLO; thus started the Oslo accords. Rabin campaigned on the platform of tough response to Palestinian terrorists, but embraced them soon after the elections. Rabin formed coalition government with the support of Arab parties in the Knesset; the PLO friends have told them that Rabin’s tough stance is a fiction intended for Jews.

Rabin’s actions were detrimental to the Jewish state. A ruler who endangers the people can legitimately be killed. It’s better to kill one ruler than have many citizens die; the Oslo process claimed more Jewish casualties than Yom Kippur war. Crowds are not wise, especially when brainwashed, and it could take years to dethrone Rabin. Killing him was a feasible solution.

Assassination of evil rulers is widely acceptable. The US prompted South Vietnamese generals to kill the unruly Diem, and tried to kill Castro. Germans attempted to kill Hitler. The US could have spared itself a couple of wars by killing Milosevic or Saddam.
Palestinians have killed high-ranking Israeli officials, and Israel similarly eliminated the Palestinian bosses. Israeli security services organized the murders of Meir Kahane, his son Binyamin, and probably of Rehavam Zeevi. During the Mandate period, Jews killed British officials. Those Jews are now Israeli heroes. Political assassinations are socially acceptable. Are they just? Yes, sometimes. Some targeted assassinations benefit societies. Some are a just retribution for the victim’s crimes; Rabin did not accord due process to the Jews he machine-gunned on Altalena and when they tried to swim ashore; he did not deserve a due process himself. Rabin skipped on due process when he ordered teenage Jewish soldiers to break hands and legs of Arab participants in the Intifada. Israel refuses due process to Islamist guerrillas her forces assassinate now and then; why accord a due process to a Jew who abets the guerrillas, such as in the Oslo accords?

Common Israelis kill common Palestinians all the time because the common Palestinians remotely affect Israeli security; kill them without trial during urban fights and police operations. Rabin endangered the Jewish state much more than any individual common Palestinian did, and deserved much harsher treatment. Israel is at war, and Rabin was a traitor; no due process was necessary.
Is the assassination democratic? No. But Rabin operated non-democratically and unjustly, and was answered in kind. Democracy is a sham; it is the government's right to manipulate public opinion, and the Rabin-Peres-Beilin clique exercised that “right” to the utmost. Democracy could decide on whether to build a bridge or a dam. Core values are not up to a democratic decision-making. Jewish character of Israel, possession of the Jewish land in its entirety, and security of the Jews are non-negotiable. Rabin openly betrayed those values, and no court sentence has been required to execute him.

What are the democratic rules of the game? Submit to the government which manipulates the public through media and bribes it through welfare? Let the faithless Jews destroy the Jewish state by electing Rabins before they emigrate? Did not the American Blacks resort to violence to claim their rights? Did not the Basques? The Irish? The Chechens? The Americans – against the British? Courts award justice to criminals, but not to the people who oppose the government. Assassinations are often the only recourse.

Torah says, "Do not follow a majority to evil." Democratically elected rulers can be evil and deserve death. Hitler was democratically elected and Stalin enjoyed near total support of the population. Soviet dissidents rejected the democracy (Soviet people enthusiastically elected their rulers) in favor of the more important values. In critical moments, societies are not ruled by majority, but by the most determined groups. If the minority’s goals are wrong (such as Khomeini's), they are reversed fairly soon by the majority which grows more determined. If they are right (such as Lincoln), the majority eventually accepts their views.
Core values of a society are those that pass the test of time. Societies continuously experiment with values, and various groups attempt to enforce (Maccabees) or promulgate (modern Reformists) their values. Sometimes, several groups clash when enforcing their values upon a society. Values eventually pass a triple test: of violent strife (enough determined people should support them to pass), of short-term acceptability (the enforced values need to gain democratic approval soon), and of long-term sustainability. Judaism passed that test; Rabin had not.

Is civil strife inherently bad? Not if it is necessary. The American Civil War arguably bettered the society. Maccabean civil war re-imposed Judaism on the assimilating Jews. The US supported anti-communist civil wars in scores of countries. In regard to the Israeli civil war, "a Jew against a Jew" would be an improper generalization. It is rather, "Jews against Jewish traitors," a feasible dichotomy.

Toward the end, the weak-willed Rabin suddenly revolted against Peres and Beilin, declaring in his last appearance in the Knesset, "We will not return to the lines of June 4, 1967 – the security border for defending the State of Israel will be in the Jordan Valley, in the widest sense of that concept." That was a dangerous return to Rabin’s 1980 position, "Our evacuation of the West Bank would create the greatest threat we can possibly face." When Rabin became obstinate about further concessions to Arab enemies who did not stop murdering Jews, Peres & Co. eliminated him. The security services framed Yigal Amir - a Kahanist - to ban Meir Kahane’s party. A hollow live Rabin was exchanged for dead Rabin a vibrant symbol of the peace process. Peres had only miscalculated about the stupidity of Israelis: for all the brainwashing, they voted Likud rather than Labor. Sacrificing Rabin backfired for the leftists.

Assassination of Rabin, as of Moyne half a century earlier, was superficially a setback for conservative Jews. Israeli security services hunted down right-wing protesters, Rabin was virtually divinized, and brainwashing engraved the peace process onto the collective unconscious. Nevertheless, Likud won the subsequent elections. Likewise, Moyne’s assassination alienated Churchill from Zionists, but Britain did not want to relinquish the mandate, anyway. The British have carved two-thirds of the land promised to Jews for Jordan long before the Moyne’s affair. The UN partition of the Land of Israel between Jews and Palestinian Arabs loosely follows the Peel Commission guidelines, drafted seven years before Lehi killed Moyne. Academic historians and media love to paint violence counterproductive, but terrorism usually bears huge political fruits: witness IRA or Hamas.

No Jew comes out to execute heinous traitors like Barak, Peres, Beilin. Is everyone afraid? Aren’t there any terminally ill people who want to serve their country even at no cost to themselves? Yigal Amir, at least, proved himself a hero.