No Arab army threatens the survival of Israel. The Israel Defense Forces is preoccupied with Israeli expansion, and Israelis should not be conscripted to fight for expansion of the Jewish state they do not support. An army of Judea must be professional, Jewish volunteers fighting for ideals or adventurers looking for a fight. How does Israel protect itself? Conscription in this case is unethical, since some Israelis’ expansionist aspirations created the danger to Israel, and the whole Israeli people should not be made to fight for the goals of a part. In other words, the Israelis who want to expand Israel to its biblical borders cannot make other Israelis fight for that goal, especially if they think suppressing the Palestinians is uncompatible with Jewish ethics. It is wrong to get Israelis killed or to make them suffer economically for Israeli goals they do not believe in. The gradual introduction of formal drill in Israel Defense Forces, a discipline designed to teach soldiers not to think in battle, shows the Israelis' loss of motivation. On the other hand, the faith in the Land of Israel, on which Jews have survived for over two millennia, should not be destroyed by Israeli democratic political decisions. Israel should divide the house and give both incompatible viewpoints a place to live.
Division of society into coherent, homogenous communities would undermine any state if taken to the extreme. Yet many minorities long for self-determination, and some majorities would be only too happy to get rid of them. But look deeper. In any community, be it a family or a country, people continuously choose between living together or alone, between enjoying and benefiting from other people and finding them bothersome. The community persists only so long as the benefits outweigh the costs. When accommodation is easy, as in Catholic-Protestant Germany and French-British Canada, the state is in no danger, though religious differences can become acute. In Israel, however, accommodation is costly: Israelis kill and die for somebody else’s ideals or forsake their own dearest Jewish principles. Given the strategic benefits and the political irrelevance of Israeli division, there is no reason to live together in Israel. Jews could choose Israel or Judea and live and work happily to realize their dreams.
As in ancient times, Judea’s population would be stricter about Judaism than Israel, willing to risk Jewish lives and pay taxes to fund a war. Judea would seek to expand into Palestine and not hesitate to answer the Islamic terrorists in kind. Judea would likely aim to conquer not only Palestine but also Jordan and parts of Lebanon. If Judea moved quickly and re-settled the present Arab populations without prolonged suffering, the Western powers would accept reality after a time.
Judean annexation has judicial precedent. The United Nations set Israel’s borders in 1947 as a temporary compromise. The United Nations refused to recognize Israel’s de facto enlargement after 1967 Arab-Israeli 1967. The United States ignored the United Nations resolutions, biased by special interests and accommodating insignificant members. The United States again disregarded United Nations cautions regarding Iraq in 2003 and invaded. Its dismissal of the U.N. is laudable, since it rejects the unworkable notion of one country, one vote, and reasserts the balance of power. United Nations votes do not reflect the realities of the balance of economic, demographic, or any other power, and Israel should jump on the bandwagon to discredit and disable the United Nations. Judea would have precedent for disregarding the United Nations partition of Palestine and the post-1967 resolutions, which demanded a return to Israel's original borders, and pursuing Judea's interests with force. If international law does not benefit Israel, why should Israel pay it any attention?
Judea’s probable Judaism-driven policy might be beneficial to Jews in yet another respect. People respect deep religious convictions, however alien they are, provided they conform to generally accepted moral conventions. Judea’s coherent policies would command more respect than the half-hearted Israeli democracy, if only Judea slips not in bizarre Jewish fundamentalism.
Redressing the Middle East conflict in religious terms of Judeo-Muslim confrontation makes sense for Israel by making Israeli policy coherent, comprehensible, and defensible, as well as eliminating foreign pressures for a peaceful Israeli-Arab settlement. Leaders of Christian countries urge religious compromise with Muslims more forcefully than Israeli political settlement with Palestinians. Arabs are cynical about Islan. Arab societies are undergoing the secularization the West has embraced since the eighteenth century, confronting modern culture and empirical science, which argue against some religious moral precepts. Islamic religious parties rarely claim more than twenty percent of votes. Muslims might care less about the religious dispute than nationalist war with Israel. Arabs would find Israel with rigid policies inspired by Judaism more comprehensible than liberal, democratic Israel.
 Resolute expansionism, though, need not be costly; e.g., the Six-Day Arab-Israeli War.
Consider the paradox of a member of the KKK claiming exemption from the American WWII draft because he agrees with the Nazis. The Israeli case is more like that of conscientious objectors in the Vietnam War who detested the business of killing for political gain.
 Secular Jews are often not so secular, but unwilling to bear the yoke of superfluous Talmudic Jewish laws. Many of those Jews aspire for the Land of Israel, if only because of Israeli nationalism. Early Zionists considered settling in Uganda because they doubted the return to Israel, not because it was irrelevant to them. Why, then, the Diaspora Jews do not immigrate to the Israeli land they desire? Mostly for economic reasons, as the migration of Soviet Jews to Israel proved. Without the barrier of an overtaxed sluggish Israeli economy, ongoing Arab-Israeli war, rabbinism and socialism, Israel might drain Jewish Diaspora.